NOTE: Footnotes follow this brief bibliographical notice.
Extracts and translations of the principal Amrenian sources are collected in RHC, Arm., I. To these should be added : V. A. Hakopian, Short Chronicles (in Armenian; 2 vols., Erevan, 1951-1956; the first volume of this publication has a critical edition of the Chronology of Hetoum [pp. 65-101], attributed by the editor to king Hetoum II instead of to Hetoum ("Hayton") the historian); and R. P. Blake and R. N. Frye (eds.), History of the Nation of the Archers(the Mongols) by Grigor of Akanc' (Cambridge, Mass., 1954).
The anonymous Cilician Chronicle, preserved in a manuscript of the Mekhitharist Library in Venice and referred to by Alishan as the Royal Chronicle. is a most important source. The complete photographs made for the late Robert P. Blake and lent by him to Professor Joseph Skinner, were put at the author's disposal by the latter, together with his translation; she wishes to express her sincere thanks to him. Since the present chapter was written, the Venice manuscript has been published by S. Akelian, under the title Chronicle of the General Sempad (in Armenian; Venice-San Lazzaro, 1956). Miss Der Nersessian, the author of this chapter, has retained in both the text and the footnotes the former designation of "Cilician Chronicle" but has given the page references to Akelian's edition. For an identification of this published text with Alishan's "Royal Chronicle" and its attribution to Sempad, cf. S. Der Nersessian, "The Armenian Chronicle of the Constable Smpad or of the 'Royal Historian'," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XIII (1959). 143-168.
Among the sources one should include the colophons of manuscripts, which often give valuable historical information: Garegin I Hovsepian, Colophons of Manuscripts (in Armenian; Antilias, 1951), with colophons down to the year 1250; and L. S. Khachikian, Colophons of Armenian Manuscripts of the XIVth century (in Armenian; Erevan. 1950). For various charters and other acts, see: V. Langlois. Le Trésor des chartes d'Arménie (Paris, 1863); Cornelio Desimoni. "Actes passés en 1271, 1274 et 1279 a l'Aias (Petite Arménie) et a Beyrouth par devant des notaires génois," Archives de l'orient latin, I. 434-534; and L. Alishan. L'Armeno-Veneto (2 vols., Venice-San Lazzaro, 1893).
The principal Syriac sources are the anonymous chronicle translated by A. S. Tritton and H. A. R. Gibb, "The First and Second Crusades from an Anonymous Syriac Chronicle," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1933, pp. 69-101. 273-305; Michael the Syrian (tr. J. B. Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite a Antioche, 3 vols., Paris, 1899-1905; Armenian version, tr. V. Langlois, Chronique de Michel le Grand, Venice. 1868); and Bar Hebraeus (tr. E. A. Wallis Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l Faraj ... commonly known as Bar Hebraeus, Oxford, 1932).
The principal Arabic sources are: Abu'l-Fida', Kitab al-mukhtasar (extracts in RHC. Or., I. 1-115); Ibn-al-Athir, Al-kamil fi-t-ta'rikh (extracts in RHC. Or., I, 187-744, and II, part I); Ibn-al-Qalanisi, Dhail tarikh Dimashq (extracts translated by H. A. R. Gibb, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, London, 1932, and by R. Le Tourneau, Damas de 1075 a 1154, Paris, 1952); al- Jazari, Hawadith az-zaman (extracts and summaries by J. Sauvaget, La Chronique de Damas, Paris, 1949); Abu-Shamah, Kitab ar-raudatain (RHC, Or., IV-V); Kamal-ad-Din, Zubdat al-halab fi ta'rikh Halab (tr. E. Blochet, "Histoire d'Alep," ROL, III-VI, 1895-1898); al-Maqrizi, Al-mawaiz wa-l-i'tibar fi dhikr al-khitat wa-l-athar (tr. E. M. Quatremere, Histoire des sultans mamlouks de l'Égypte, 2 vols., Paris, 1837-1845); and al-Maqrizi, Akhbar Misr (tr. E. Blochet, Histoire d'Égypte, Paris, 1908). In Persian, there is Ibn-Bibi, Saljuq-nameh (ed. Th. Houtsma, Leyden, 1902; extracts tr. C. Schefer, Paris, 1889). There is a German translation of Ibn-Bibi by H. W. Duda, Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi, Copenhagen, 1959.
The Byzantine and western writers include: Anna Comnena, Alexiad (ed. B. Leib, 3 vols., Paris, 1937-1945); Cedrenus-Skylitzes, Historiarum compendium, vol. II (CSHB, Bonn, 1839); Nicetas Choniates, Historia (CSHB, Bonn, 1835); and William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, and French translation, L'Estoire de Eracles empereur (RHC, Occ., I).
Among the principal secondary sources which should be consulted in addition to the general histories of the crusades are the following: Leonce M. Alishan, Léon le Magnifique, premier roi de Sissouan ou de l'Arméno-Cilicie (Venice, 1888); Leonce Alishan, Sissouan ou l'Arméno-Cilicie (Venice, 1899); Claude Cahen, La Syrie du nord à l'époque des croisades et la principauté franque d'Antioche (Paris, 1940); F. Chalandon, Les Comnène: Jean II Comnène et Manuel Comnène (Paris, 1913); N. Iorga, Breve histoire de la Petite Armenie (Paris, 1930); J. Laurent, "Les Croisés et l'Arménie," Handes Amsorya, XLI (1927), 885-906; G. G. Mikaelian, Istoriya kilikiiskogo armyanskogo gosudarstvo (Erevan, 1952); J. de Morgan, Histoire du peuple arménien (Nancy-Paris, 1919); Malachia Ormanian, Azkabadoum (in Armenian), vols. I and II (Constantinople, 1912-1914); M. Tchamtchian, History of the Armenians (in Armenian; 3 vols., Venice, 1784-1786); and Fr. Tournebize, Histoire politique et religieuse de l'Arménie (Paris, n.d.).
2. Étienne Asotik de Taron, Histoire universelle (tr. F. Macler, Paris, 1917), p. 141.
3. J. Laurent, "Arméniens de Cilicie: Aspiétès, Oschin, Ursinus," Mélanges Schlumberger, I (1924), 159-168. Oshin and "Ursinus" may be the same man; Aspietes is clearly distinct.
4. Garegin I Hovsepian, Colophons, col. 542, 552; L. Alishan, Hayabadoum (in Armenian; Venice, 1901), II 414.
5. N. Adontz, "Notes arméno-byzantines: VI. L'aïeul des Roubéniens," Byzantion, X (1935), 185-203.
6. Cilician Chronicle, p. 102; cf. also the Anonymous Syriac Chronicle, pp. 70-71.
7. Garegin I Hovsepian, Colophons, cols. 261, 265.
8. See volume I of the present work, chapter XII, pp. 387-391, 405.
9. Nicetas Choniates, Historia: De Johanne Comneno (CSHB, Bonn, 1835). pp. 29-33. The Cilician Chronicle (p. 160) and Sempad (RHC, Arm., I, 616) also mention three other local- ities: Khalij, Amayk', Tsakhoud. The first two have not been identified, the last is probably the province which lies roughly to the east of Sis.
10. On Byzantine policies in Cilicia and Antioch, see volume I of the present work, chapter XIII, pp. 439-440, 445, and chapter XVI, pp. 530, 540-546, 560; see also above, chapter IV, pp. 130-137.
11. Michael the Syrian, Chronique (tr. Chabot), III, 311; Bar Hebraeus, Chronography (tr. Budge), p. 281 [Bedjan pp. 321-322]. The Armenian sources do not mention an attack by Toros (RHC, Arm., I, 175). The Cilician Chronicle states that the enemy fled in disorder "as if they were pursuing their own selves. For Toros was not in his country, but had gone to Dzedz. And when he returned and saw how things were, they all gave thanks to God that they [the enemy] had been routed without arms or human combat" (p. 173). On the Selchukids and Danishmendids, see below chapter XIX, pp. 675-692.
13. S. Der Nersessian, Armenia and the Byzantine Empire (Cambridge, 1945), pp. 42-52.
14. The "Brief History of the Roupenians", attributed to Hetoum ("Hayton"), is the only Armenian source which mentions Mleh's first, unsuccessful attempt to seize the throne. According to it when the Armenians heard that Mleh was making ready to return, they asked him "to come peacefully to be master of the country, so that the Christians should not suffer from the soldiers of the infidels. And he (Mleh), hearing this, sent back the soldiers to the sultan with many thanks." Cf. V. A. Hakopian, Short Chronicles, II, 102-103. On Mleh and Nur-ad-Din, see volume I of the present work, chapter XVI, p. 527.
15. Michael the Syrian dates the Latin expedition in 1170 and says that Mleh, abandoned by his Turkish allies, was besieged in a fortress, and was forced to surrender and promise submission to the king of Jerusalem (Chronique, III, 337), but the other sources and the sequence of events show that the correct date is 1173. Cf. C. Cahen, La Syrie du nord, p. 414, note 7.
16. L. Alishan, Hayabadoum, p. 347.
17. Ibid, p. 432; colophon of a manuscript written by Nerses of Lampron at Loulon in 1196.
18. The letter of Clement III is preserved only in an Armenian translation. See the French translation in L. Alishan, Léon le Magnifique, pp. 163-165.
19. Colophon written by Nerses of Lampron at the end of his translation of the letten of Lucius III and Clement III. Cf. Garegin I Hovsepian, Colophons, col. 538. For Frederick Barbarossa, and the situation after his death, see above, chapter III, pp. 113-116.
20. For the relations between Leon and Antioch see C. Cahen, La Syrie du nord, and above, chapter XV, pp. 526-528, 532-541.
21. RHC, Arm., I, 422-423. According to Vincent of Beauvais (Speculum historiale, XXI, 29) a condition set by the papal legate was that all school children aged twelve should be taught Latin. Another source adds that the catholicus was required to send a legate to the pope at set dates to render his homage (L. Alishan, Léon le Magnifique, p. 167).
22. PL, CCXIV, col. 1008.
23. Sempad and the Cilician Chronicle date the coronation of Leon on January 6, 647, of the Armenian era, which would correspond to the year 1199 (the year 647 goes from January 31, 1198, to January 30, 1199); all the other Armenian sources--histories, chronicles, as well as a number of colophons of manuscripts--give January 6, 646, of the Armenian era which corresponds to 1198. Many modern historians have given preference to the date mentioned by Sempad; one of the principal reasons for this being that the name of Nerses of Lampron, who died in July 1198, does not appear among those of the dignitaries present at the coronation, listed by the constable Sempad, and other bishops are mentioned in his place for the sees of Tarsus and Lampron. (L. Alishan, Léon le Magnifique, pp. 168-180). But it is not proved that this is actually the list of the persons present at the coronation. Sempad, after mentioning the coronation and the death of Nerses of Lampron, gives a general picture of Leon's personality, then comes the sentence: "and at the coronation of Leon there were many bishops and chieftains, whom I shall mention briefly here, for the information of the readers" (RHC, Arm., I, 634). This sentence does not occur in the Cilician Chronicle, and the list there, which in several instances is more accurate than Sempad's, is preceded by the words: "And the land of Cilicia was adorned and embellished by all the orders of clerics and noble chieftains, and I shall give their names one by one" {p. 208). The list is, therefore, not connected with the coronation festivities and the omission of the name of Nerses of Lampron cannot be used as an argument for dating the coronation after his death, especially as Nerses himself refers to Leon as king in several colophons, one of which, written in 1198, is particularly explicit. "In this year," he writes, "the king of the Armenians was greatly honored ...; the fame of his bravery moved the great rulers of Ancient Rome, Henry, and of New Rome, Alexius, who crowned him with precious jewels in the church of Tarsus, of which I am the unworthy pastor." (Garegin I Hovsepian, op. cit., col. 624). For the German imperial ambitions which motivated the granting of this crown, see above, chapter III, pp. 116-120.
24. Sempad (RHC, Arm., I, p. 633) and the Cilician Chronicle (p. 207) report that the king of the Greeks sent a magnificent crown to Leon, and Leon is given the title of king in a colophon of the same year (Garegin I Hovsepian, Colophons, col, 599). According to Kirakos, Alexius sent a crown to Leon only when he heard that the German emperor had already sent one (RHC, Arm., I, 424).
25. L. Alishan, Hayabadaum, pp. 424-425.
26. See above, chapter XV, pp. 532-541; also, C. Cahen, La Syrie du nord, pp. 596-635.
27. N. Akinian, "Hetoum Heghi, Lord of Lampron 1151-1218(?)" (in Armenian), Handes Amsorya, LXIX (1955), 397-405.
28. V. Langlois, Le Trésor des chartes d'Arménie, pp. 74-77 and special charters. G. Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre (Paris, 1904).
29. V. Langlois, Le Trésor des chartes d'Arménie, pp. 81-82 and special charters.
30. J. C. M. Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor (Leipzig, 1864), pp. 177-179. The master was Hermann of Salza, who may merely have been visiting Sis at this time.
32. The Assizes of Antioch, which have survived only in the Armenian version, were translated by the constable Sempad, king Hetoum's brother, before the year 1265: (L. Alishan), Assises d'Antioche reproduites en francais et publiées au sixième centenaire de la mort de Sempad le Connétable (Venice, 1876); Joseph Karst, Armenisches Rechtsbuch: Sempadischer Kodex aus dem 13. Jahrhundert in Verbindung mit dem grossarmenischen Rechtsbuch des Mechithar Gosch (Strassburg, 1905).
33. John of Brienne, who had married Rita ("Stephanie"), Leon II's daughter by his first marriage, also made a claim for the throne, but he was rejected by the barons, and Rita's death, followed soon after by the death of their son, deprived him of his title to the succession. Raymond Roupen's chief supporter was Vahram, lord of Corycus, who married Raymond Roupen's mother, the princess Alice. They seized Tarsus and Adana, which were recaptured by the regent, Constantine of Lampron, in 1221; Raymond Roupen died the following year. See above, chapter XV, pp. 539-541.
34. Negotiations for a marriage with Andrew the son of king Andrew II of Hungary, begun in the lifetime of Leon II, were not pursued.
35. Bohemond IV tried in vain to obtain the liberation of his son. His appeal to the pope, Honorius III, after Philip's death, did not have any positive results. He turned to the Selchukids and, urged by him, Kai-Qobad I ravaged northern Cilicia, Constantine retaliating in kind; the latter appealed to al-'Aziz of Aleppo and Bohemond was forced to desist from further action.
36. Isabel fled to Seleucia and sought refuge with the Hospitallers; the latter were unwilling to give her up to Constantine but feared the powerful regent; they eased their conscience by selling him the fortress, with Isabel in it. She is said to have refused to consummate the marriage for several years.
37. Hetoum I established alliances with many of the Frankish princes. His sister Stephanie married Henry I of Cyprus; another sister, Maria, married John of Ibelin, count of Jaffa. His daughters were also given in marriage to Latin princes: Sibyl to Bohemond VI of Antioch; Euphemia to Julian, count of Sidon; and Maria to Guy of Ibelin, son of Baldwin, seneschal of Cyprus. Hetoum's daughter Rita, however, married an Armenian, the lord of Sarvantikar (either Sempad or his brother Constantine).
38. The coins struck by Hetoum I at Sis during this period bear the names of Kai-Qobad I and Kai-Khusrau II in Arabic script on the reverse; two of the latter are dated 637 and 641 AH (=1239/1240, 1243/1244). On the Selchukids at this period, see below, chapter XIX, pp. 683-684.
39. Letter written by Sempad to his brother-in-law, Henry I of Cyprus: see William of Nangis, Vie de saint Louis (RHGF, XX), 361-363; Kirakos, History (Tiflis, 1909), pp. 301-302. On the Mongols, see below, chapter XXI.
40. Kirakos, History, pp. 350-357; Hetoum, La Flor des estoires de la terre d'orient (RHC, Arm., II), 163-168; Cilician Chronicle, pp. 229-231.
41. Cilician Chronicle, pp. 238-240; C. Cahen, "Quelques textes négligés concernant les Turcomans de Rum," Byzantion, XIV (1939), 133-134.
42. For Baybars, see below, chapter XXII, pp. 745-750.
43. Marco Polo, The Description of the World, ed. A. C. Moule and Paul Pelliot (London, 1918), p. 94. For the importance of Ayas see W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant (reprinted Leipzig, 1936), II, 73-92.
44. Al-Maqrizi (tr. Quatremère), Histoire des sultans mamlouks, II, i, 201-212.
45. L. Alishan, Hayabadoum, pp. 500-502.
46. AI-Jazari (tr. Sauvaget), La Chronique de Damas, pp. 15-16 and appendices I and II.
47. Hetoum II, converted to the Roman church, had entered the Franciscan order. A brave soldier and a devout Christian, his frequent vacillations between the throne and the monastery weakened the royal authority at a time when a strong hand and an uninterrupted policy were sorely needed.
48. J. B. Chabot, "Histoire du patriarche Mar Jabalaha III," ROL, II (1894), 137-139; Bar Hebraeus, Chronograpy, p. 506 [Bedjan, p. 594-95].
49. Quoted by Henry H. Howorth, History of the Mongols, III (1888), 579.
50. Tchamitch, without giving his source, says that the Armenians, who were angered by the changes that Hetoum, king Leon IV, and the catholicus wished to introduce into the Armenian ritual, in order to conform to Roman usage, aroused Bilarghu against Hetoum and Leon and thus caused their death (History of the Armenians, III, 311). He has been followed by most modern historians, but this interpretation of Bilarghu's action does not rest on any text known so far. The Armenian sources recall the murder very briefly without giving a specific reason (RHC, Arm., I, 490, 664; Khachikian, Colophons, pp. 55-56; Hakopian, Short Chronicles, I, 88, 89, 99; II, 188, 512-513), or say that Bilarghu wished to become master of Cilicia (RHC, Arm., I, 466). Jean Dardel (RHC, Arm., II, 16-17), the Moslem sources (al-Maqrizi, Histoire des sultans mamlouks, II, ii, 279; the continuation of Rashid ad-Din, cited in RHC, Arm., I, 549, note I; the Tarikhi Oldjaitou, cited in RHC, Arm., II, 16, note 3), and the Latin sources ("Les Gestes des Chiprois," RHC, Arm., II, 867-868; the "Chronicle of Cyprus," cited in Howorth, History of the Mongols, III, 771) give different reasons, but nowhere is there the slightest hint that the Armenians who were opposed to Hetoum and Leon for religious reasons were in any way responsible for their murder.
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