Philochorus: Atthis (fragments)


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(?) Book 3

[114] Suda_S'289 The seisachtheia (shaking off of debts) of Solon.

[115] SCHOL.PIND.,PYTH.7 It is said that when the temple at Delphi was burnt down - by the Peisistratidae, as some claim - the Alcmaeonidae, who had been sent into exile by the Peisistratidae, offered to rebuild the temple. After receiving the money, they collected an armed force and successfully attacked the Peisistratidae. Then they rebuilt the temple with great thanksgiving, according to Philochorus, as they had previously vowed to the god.

[116] AELIAN, NA.12'35 - translated by A.F.Scolfield I have heard in addition to what I have already said that the dogs of Xanthippus, son of Ariphron, were devoted to their master, for when the people of Athens sailed away on their ships at the time when the Persians lit the flames of their great war against Greece, and the oracles declared that it was better for the Athenians to abandon their country and to embark upon their triremes, not even the dogs of Xanthippus were left behind, but emigrated along with him, and after swimming across to Salamis died. The story is narrated by Aristotle and Philochorus.

[117] SCHOL.AR.,LYS.1138 "Do you not know that {Cimon} went . . . to save Lacedaemon". This agrees with what the writers of the Attic histories relate about the Lacedaemonians. Philochorus states that the Athenians achieved hegemony {over the Greek states} because of the troubles that struck Lacedaemon.

(?) Book 4

[118] SCHOL.AR.,NUB.213 "Euboea was provided by us and by Pericles". Philochorus says that when Pericles was general {the Athenians} conquered the whole {of Euboea}. They agreed terms with the rest, but drove the Hestiaeans out of their homes and seized their land.

[119] SCHOL.AR.,VESP.718 "When they are afraid, they give you Euboea and promise to provide you each with fifty medimni of corn; but they have never actually given it to you, except five medimni recently, and this you obtained with difficulty, after standing trial for non-citizenship - a choenix of barley each". Such was the rigour of the examination into who were citizens and who were not, before the corn was distributed, that it seemed as if they had been brought to trial on a charge of non-citizenship. Philochorus says that they once discovered that 4,760 {citizens} were illegally registered, as is made clear in the existing passage. The reference to Euboea is also consistent with the production notice {of the play}; for in the previous year, when Isarchus was archon {424/3}, they sent an army to Euboea, according to Philochorus. But perhaps {Aristophanes} is talking about the gift from Egypt, which Philochorus says was sent to the {Athenian} people by Psammetichus, when Lysimachides was archon {445/4}. He sent 30,000 measures, five medimni for each of the Athenians (except that the numbers do not agree); and the number of those who received a share was 14,240.

[120] SCHOL.AR.,VESP.947 "But this man seems to have nothing to say - No, he seems to have suffered the same as Thucydides did when he was on trial, and suddenly he was struck dumb, unable to move his jaws" . . . otherwise, {he refers} to historical events. Maybe this is the {Thucydides}, who was a political opponent of Pericles. Philochorus tells the story . . . {the historian Thucydides} was not particularly famous, and he was not mentioned by the writers of comedy, because after being sent for a short while with Cleon to command an army in Thrace, he was condemned to exile. Some writers, including Ammonius, say that this Thucydides was the son of Stephanus; but one should view this with suspicion, as has been said before. The reference to ostracism makes it clear that this is the son of Melesias, who was ostracised. The historian Theopompus says that {Thucydides}, the political opponent of Pericles, was the son of Pantaenetus; but Androtion disagrees, and says that the was the son of Melesias.

[121] SCHOL.AR.,PAX.605 "Pheidias began it, by doing wrong; then Pericles . . . set the city on fire, throwing in the little spark of the Megarian decree". Philochorus, {in his account of the year} when Theodorus was archon {438/7}, says as follows: "And the golden statue of Athene was set up in the great temple. The statue contained 44 talents of gold; Pericles was the overseer and Pheidias was the artist. The sculptor Pheidias was accused of misrepresenting the cost of the ivory for the plates. He was found guilty, and fled to Elis, where he is said to have made the statue of Zeus, which is at Olympia. After completing this statue, he was put to death by the Eleans." {In his account of the year} when Pythodorus was archon {432/1}, six years later, {Philochorus} says that the Megarians "complained about the Athenians to the Lacedaemonians, saying that they had been unjustly excluded from markets and harbours by the Athenians." The Athenians passed this decree on the proposal of Pericles, accusing {the Megarians} of cultivating the land that was sacred to the gods. But some say that, after the sculptor Pheidias was found guilty of defrauding the city and went into exile, Pericles was afraid because he had been overseer of the construction of the statue, and had connived in the fraud. Therefore he passed this decree against the Megarians, whom he accused of cultivating the sacred meadow of the goddess, so that war would ensue and the Athenians would be too busy with fighting to bring him to trial. This allegation about Pericles seems absurd, because the trial of Pheidias took place seven years before the start of the war. Philochorus says that during the construction of the statue of Athene, when Theodorus was archon {438/7}, Pheidias stole the gold from the serpents on the chryselephantine Athene. He was brought to trial and sentenced to exile. He went off to Elis, and made the statue of Olympian Zeus for the Eleans, who later found him guilty of misappropriation and put him to death.

[122] SCHOL.AR.,AV.997 "Meton, well known by Greece and Colonus". An outstanding astronomer and geometrician, who invented the so-called "year of Meton". Callistratus says that he set up an astrological image at Colonus. Euphronius says that he came from the deme of Colonus; but this is untrue, because Philochorus says that he came from Leuconoē. Perhaps there was an image at Colonus, but the claim of Callistratus is (?) impossible to prove. Philochorus does not mention anything that was set up {by Meton} at Colonus, but he says that when Apseudes was archon {433/2}, the year before Pythodorus, he created the sundial, which now stands in the assembly-place, by the wall in the Pnyx. Perhaps, as some suggest, the whole region including the Pnyx was called Colonus, and another part of it was the so-called "hired land"; and so it was not unusual to call that part of it Colonus, which is behind the Long Stoa. But this cannot be true, because the whole region was called Melite, as is stated in the Boundaries of the City. Perhaps he constructed a well at Colonus; Phrynichus says in his Monotropos, "Who is it who afterwards gives a thought (?) to that? - Meton of Leuconoē - I know, the one who brought up the fresh water." Monotropos was produced when Chabrias was archon {415/4}, as has already been said.

[123] SCHOL.AR.,PAX.990 "We have been worn out for thirteen years already". Marked with an X, because what {Aristophanes} says does not agree with the dates. And he says in the Acharnians { 266 }, "In the sixth year, I spoke to you (?) in the places." But Philochorus calculates that from Pythodorus {432/1}, in whose year {as archon} the war began, until Isarchus {424/3} there are [(?) nine years, and until Alcaeus {422/1} there are] 11 years. Again Thucydides, who narrates the war according to the onset of winters and summers, does not agree with this total, but records no more than nine years.

[124] SCHOL.EUR.,ANDR.445 "O most hateful of mortals to all men, inhabitants of Sparta". Euripides says this through the character of Andromache, insulting the Spartans because of the current war, in which they had broken the truce against the Athenians, as Philochorus and others relate. But it is impossible to establish the date of the play with absolute certainty, because it was not performed at Athens.

[125] SCHOL.SOPH.,OC.698 Philochorus and others state that the Lacedaemonians did no harm to the sacred olive groves.

[126] Athen_5.217'd The reign of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia.

[127] SCHOL.AR.,VESP.240 "But let us make haste, men, because Laches will now be accused; everyone says that he has a hoard of money. Yesterday Cleon urged us to go to him promptly and punish him for his crimes". He says this, because Cleon was bringing Laches to trial. Demetrius says that Laches was general three years before, when Eucles was archon {427/6}, and he was sent with some ships to Sicily, to bring aid to Leontini. Philochorus and others say that he was succeeded {in Sicily} by Sophocles and Pythodorus, who were later punished by being sent into exile. It is likely that Laches was summoned back to face the trial, which {Aristophanes} mentions here.

[128] (a) SCHOL.AR.,PAX.665 "She says that when she came of her own accord after the events at Pylus, carrying a chest full of peace terms for the city, she was thrice voted down in the assembly". Philochorus says as follows: "The Lacedaemonians sent envoys to the Athenians to propose peace terms, after making a truce with the forces at Pylus and handing over their ships, which were 60 in total. It is said that the assembly was divided when Cleon spoke against the peace terms. The president put it to the vote, and those who wanted to continue with the war were in the majority." Another explanation is that this happened after the events in Pylus. When Cleon {was general} the Lacedaemonians sent envoys {to Athens} and there were disagreements in the assembly, as Philochorus relates. After {their defeat} at Pylus and the capture of prisoners by Cleon, the Spartans sent envoys to the Athenians, to say that they would return the Athenian triremes, which they had captured during the war, and to negotiate about peace and a truce. Cleon spoke against {peace terms} at that time, and when the president asked for a third time whether the council wanted peace or war, the council chose to continue the war.
(b) SCHOL.LUCIAN,TIM.30 {Cleon} opposed peace with the Spartans, as Philochorus says in his account of {the year} when Euthynus was archon {426/5}. Aristotle says in his Constitution {of the Athenians - 28'3 } that {Cleon} girded himself up when he spoke to the people.

[129] SCHOL.AR.,VESP.210 "By Zeus, it would have been better for me to guard Scione, instead of this father". Philochorus says that in the previous year, when Isarchus {was archon} {424/3}, Brasidas persuaded the inhabitants of Scione to revolt from the Athenians. The Athenians, after sending out 50 triremes, captured Mende and surrounded Scione with a wall.

[130] SCHOL.AR.,VESP.718 The events in Euboea could also be consistent with {the production of} the drama, because in the previous year, when Isarchus was archon {424/3}, they sent a military expedition to Euboea, as Philochorus says. { See fragment 119 }

[131] SCHOL.AR.,PAX.466 "The Boeotians will suffer" - because they have no part in the peace. Philochorus says that when Alcaeus {was archon} {422/1}, the Athenians agreed a fifty-year truce with the Spartans and their allies, except for the Boeotians, the Corinthians and the Eleans.

[132] SCHOL.AR.,PAX.475 "Nor have these Argives achieved anything for a long time". Philochorus says that when the Corinthians stirred up war again, they were supported by the Argives.

[133] SCHOL.AR.,LYS.1094 "Hermes-mutilators" - these Hermes-mutilators defaced the Herms, when they were about to sail to Sicily . . . Some people attributed the blame for this to Alcibiades and his associates, according to Thucydides { 6.27-28 }; others blamed the Corinthians, according to Philochorus. He says that the Herm of Andocides was the only one that was not mutilated.

[134] SCHOL.AR.,AV.766 "If the son of Peisias wants to open the gates to the disenfranchised". We have no certain information about the identity of the son of Peisias, or about his treachery. That he was one of the most worthless {Athenians} is made clear by Cratinus in his Cheirones, Pylaea and Horae. The son of Peisias may have collaborated with the Hermes-mutilators, who were condemned to death when Charias {was archon} {415/4}, as Philochorus says. Their names were inscribed {as infamous} and their possessions were confiscated. A reward of a talent was proclaimed for anyone who killed one of them.

[135] SCHOL.AR.,PAX.1031 Stilbides was a distinguished and famous soothsayer, one of those who interpreted the ancient oracles . . . alternatively . . . the soothsayer Stilbides, who was followed (?) in Sicily, when the Athenians were at war and sent an army to Sicily. He is mentioned by Eupolis in his Cities.
see also: Plut:Nic_23'7-9

[136] HARPOCRATION In all, there were 30 commissioners who were killed at that time, as Androtion and Philochorus say in their histories of Attica. But Thucydides {8.67'1 } mentions only the committee of ten.

[137] MARCELLINUS Didymus says that [Thucydides suffered] a violent death at Athens, after returning from exile. He says that Zopyrus relates that after their defeat in Sicily, the Athenians allowed all their exiles to return, except the Peisistratidae. After he came back, he died violently . . . but it is clear that the exiles were allowed to return, as Philochorus says, and also Demetrius in his Archons

[138] SCHOL.AR.,LYS.173 "Not while your triremes are moving and there is limitless silver beside your goddess". The Athenians will not remain in peace while they control the seas and there is limitless silver beside the goddess on the Acropolis. And there really were a thousand talents stored there. They began to remove the silver when Callias was archon {412/1}, in the same year that this play {Lysistrata} was produced, as Philochorus says in his Atthis.

[139] (a) SCHOL.EUR.,OR.371 . . . Before Diocles was archon {409/8}, in the year when {Euripides} produced the Orestes, the Spartans had sent envoys to arrange a peace, but the Athenians distrusted and rebuffed them. This happened when Theopompus was archon {411/10}, two years before Diocles, as Philochorus relates.
(b) SCHOL.EUR.,OR.772 Perhaps he is referring obliquely to the demagogues of his time, if not to Cleophon, who prevented the agreement of a truce between the Athenians and Spartans, two years before the Orestes was produced, as Philochorus relates.

[140] SCHOL.AR.,PLUT.972 "But you did not drink in your allotted gramma". He says "drink" unexpectedly instead of "judge". It has already been said that they were appointed by lottery according to grammata {"letters"}. Then in the year before this, they began to conduct the council in that way. When Glaucippus {was archon} {410/09}, Philochorus says: "Then the countil sat according to gramma, for the first time. From that time even up to now, they swear to remain in the gramma to which they have been allotted."

[141] (a) SCHOL.AR.,RAN.720 "To the ancient coinage and the new gold". Hellanicus says that gold coins were struck in the year before, when Antigenes {was archon} {407/6}. And similarly, Philochorus {refers to the coinage minted} from the golden Victories.
(b) SCHOL.AR.,RAN.725 . . . Perhaps he is talking about the bronze coinage, because bronze coins were struck when Callias {was archon} {406/5}.

[142] SCHOL.AR.,RAN.1196 "He would be happy, even if he was general with Erasinides". He was one of the unfortunate generals at {the battle of} Arginusae. He was sentenced to death, along with the others who remained: Thrasyllus, Pericles, Lysias, Aristocrates and Diomedon, as Philochorus relates. Demetrius says that an additional charge was brought against Erasinides; he was also accused of stealing the money for the Hellespont.

[143] SCHOL.AR.,PLUT.1146 "Do not bear a grudge, if you captured Phyle". After the return of Thrasybulus and his associates, who seized Phyle and defeated the Thirty at Peiraeus, it was decreed that there should be a permanent amnesty between the citizens. However this and the rule of the Thirty had not yet happened, but as Philochorus says, it was five years later that Thrasybulus' victory occurred, and Critias died at the Peiraeus. Therefore, either someone inserted this passage from the second version of Plutus, regardless of the inconsistency, or the poet himself added it later on.

(?) Book 5

[144-145] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.7 Surely we must consider that it is not likely that Demosthenes reminded them of this peace, but he reminded them of some other benefit, perhaps the benefit bestowed by Conon the son of Timotheus, who used the armaments provided by Pharnabazus to inflict an overwhelming defeat on the Spartans in the sea battle near Cnidus. Phi[lochorus] will bear witness to this. In {the year of} the archon Suniades of Acharnae {397/6} . . . he writes: "Conon . . . from Cyprus with . . . [Pharnabazus] the satrap of Phrygia . . . he sailed . . . 40 triremes . . . he brought [from] Syria . . . he collected the king's ships near Loryma in the Chersonese, and from their he unexpectedly attacked the Spartans' admiral with all his ships . . . in the ensuing sea battle he was victorious; he captured fifty triremes, and Peisander was killed." [146] After this sea battle, Conon restored the long walls for the Athenians, against the will of the Spartans, as the same writer relates. I think that it is very likely that the orator is referring to this benefit bestowed on the city by the king; because to say "and previously he helped to revive the fortunes of the city" is consistent with the fact that Conon seems to have defeated the Spartans in a sea battle by using the armaments provided by Pharnabazus. {followed by fragment 151}

[147] HARPOCRATION Hagnias: . . . Androtion, in book 5 of his Atthis, and Philochorus say that he and his fellow envoys were captured and killed by the Spartans.

[148] SCHOL.AR., ECCL.193 "When we considered this treaty, they said the city would be doomed, if it did not happen. But when it happened, they were annoyed, and the orator who had persuaded them immediately went and ran away". About this treaty, Philochorus relates that two years previously there was an alliance between the Athenians and the Boeotians.

[149] (a) DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.7 Some say that by "previous restoration" he means the peace of Antalcidas the Laconian, but this does not seem correct to me; because not only did the Athenians not accept this peace, but quite the reverse - they rejected it as an unholy outrage, as Philochorus describes in the following words, in his account of {the year of} the archon Philocles of Anaphlystus {392/1}: "And the king dispatched the peace of Antalcidas, which the Athenians did not accept, because there was written in it that the Greeks who lived in Asia would all included in the king's territory. Instead, the Athenians banished the envoys who had agreed to the peace in Lacedaemon; Callistratus proposed the motion, and the envoys did not wait for the verdict; their names were Epicrates of Cephisia, Andocides of Cydathenaeum, Cratinus of Sphettus and Eubulides of Eleusis."
(b) ARG.ANDOC.,OR.3 When the Greek war had lasted a long time, the Athenians sent plenipotentiary envoys to the Spartans. Andocides was one of the envoys. The Spartans made some counter-proposals and sent their own envoys {to the Athenians}. It was resolved that the people would deliberate about the peace within forty days. Andocides advised the people to accept the peace on these terms . . . Philochorus says that the envoys came from Sparta, but returned without achieving anything, because Andocides failed to persuade the people. But Dionysius says that this story is untrue.

[150] HARPOCRATION Mercenary force at Corinth: {Mentioned by} Demosthenes in the Philippics { 4'24 } and by Aristophanes in Plutus {173 }. Conon first assembled it, and later Iphicrates took it over and then Chabrias. It was by using this force that {the Athenians} destroyed a mora of the Spartans, when Iphicrates and Callias were their generals, as Androtion and Philochorus say.

[151] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.7 Demosthenes could in this instance be recalling another peace with the king, which the Athenians willingly accepted. Again Philochorus mentions this speech, saying that the Athenians accepted it even though it was similar to the peace of Antalcidas the Laconian, because they were tired of the cost of hiring mercenaries, and worn down by the length of the war. At the same time, they set up an altar of Eirene {"Peace"}.

(?) Book 6

[152] DIONYSIUS, DIN.13 - translated by S.Usher Against Megacleides, on an exchange of property: "If it were necessary, gentlemen, with regard to three or four . . . " The speaker is Aphareus, and the speech belongs outside Deinarchus' period: for it was delivered while the general Timotheus was still alive about the time of his command with Menestheus, over which he was convicted after having his accounts audited; and Timotheus underwent his audit in the archonship of Diotimus {354/3}, who succeeded Callistratus, when also . . .

[153] DIONYSIUS, DIN.13 {The speaker in Against Boeotus} recalls as a recent event the expedition to Thermopylae; and the Athenian expedition to Thermopylae was made during the archonship of Thudemus {353/2}, when Deinarchus was eight years old.

[154] DIONYSIUS, DIN.13 Against Pedieus, a special plea: "According to this law . . . " This speech was delivered during the archonship of Aristodemus {352/1}, as becomes clear from the speech itself. Those who were sent to colonise Samos were sent in this archon's year, as Philochorus says in his Histories. At this time Deinarchus was not yet ten years old.

[155] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.13 {Demosthenes} refers to the action of the Athenians against the Megarians, regarding the holy orgas {"meadow"}. This happened when Apollodorus was archon {350/49}, as Philochorus relates. He writes as follows: "The Athenians, who were in dispute with the Megarians over the holy orgas, entered the territory of Megara with Ephialtes as their general. They marked the boundaries of the holy orgas; and the boundary supervisors were, with the agreement of the Megarians, Lacrateides the hierophant and Hierocleides the torch-bearer. They consecrated the edges around the orgas, on account of the oracle of the god, which said, 'It is more fitting and better to leave {the land} fallow and not to work it.' They marked it off with a circle of stones, in accordance with the decree of Philocrates."

[156] DIONYSIUS, AMM.10 - translated by W.R.Roberts After the archonship of Callimachus {349/8}, in whose year of office the Athenians sent their reinforcements to Olynthus at the instance of Demosthenes, Theophilus was archon; and during his year {348/7} Olynthus fell into the hands of Philippus.

[157] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.8 When Lyciscus was archon {344/3}, Philippus sent proposals for peace to Athens, and at the same time the Athenians received envoys from the king, but they replied to the envoys in a more disdainful manner than was necessary. They said that they would make peace with Artaxerxes, if he did not attack the Greek cities. These events are described by Androtion, who also [spoke] at that time, and by Anaximenes. It will be best to quote the words of Philochorus here. In his account of {the year} when Lyciscus was archon, he says: "When he was archon, the king sent envoys to Athens and requested that the city should remain in friendship with him, as it had been with his father. They replied to the envoys at Athens that the friendship with the king would continue, so long as the king did not attack the Greek cities."

[158] DIONYSIUS, DIN.13 - translated by S.Usher For Athenades . . . The second speech: "I think that you, gentlemen . . . " The speech was delivered while the Athenian general Diopeithes was still engaged around the Hellespont, as is obvious from the speech itself. The time is during the archonship of Pythodotus {343/2}, as Philochorus shows, [and is corroborated] by the other [local Attic historians. Deinarchus has been seen] to have been not yet twenty in the time of this archon.

[159] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.1 Philochorus corroborates what {Demosthenes says}. He speaks about the assistance they gave to [Oreus] in his account of {the year} when Sosigenes was archon {342/1}, as follows: "The Athenians entered into an alliance with the Chalcidians, and together with the Chalcidians they liberated the inhabitants of Oreus in the month [of Scirophorion], having Cephisophon as their general. The tyrant Philistides was killed."

[160] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.1 [Again] the same writer mentions [the assistance they sent] to Eretria in his account of {the year} when Nicomachus was archon {341/40}, as follows: "When he was archon, the Athenians crossed over to Eretria with Phocion as their general. They brought back the people, and besieged Cleitarchus, who had previously been a political opponent of Plutarchus, but took over as tyrant when Plutarchus was driven out. Then the Athenians forced Cleitarchus to surrender, and restored the city to the people."

[161] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.1 It may be possible to [perceive] the circumstances of the speech [from Philochorus' account of the year] when Nicomachus was archon {341/40} . . . [Philistides] of Oreus [was forced to surrender] when Sosigenes {was archon} {342/1}, and Cleitarchus of Eretria when Nicomachus was archon. And this will prove that [these events and the speech occurred long] before the end of Nicomachus' year as archon. So surely it has been sufficiently demonstrated that the speech was written not later than Sosigenes' year as archon, rather than after Nicomachus' year. In [Philochorus'] account of when [Theophrastus, the successor of] Nicomachus {was archon}, . . . concerning the [peace] with Philippus . . . and the inscription about the terms of the peace when Theophrastus was archon {340/39} . . . To tell the truth, Demosthenes clearly proves this, when he says: . . .

[162] DIDYMUS, IN DEM. Col.10 The war between the Macedonians and the Athenians arose because of other offences of Philippus towards the Athenians, while he was pretending to be at peace with them, but in particular in his campaign against Byzantium and Perinthus he strove to win over these cities for two reasons, to cut off the corn supply of the Athenians and also so that they would not have coastal cities which provided bases for their navy and a refuge during a war against him. At that time he perpetrated a most lawless act, by seizing the merchant boats at Hieron, which were 230 in number according to Philochorus, or 180 according to Theopompus, and he gathered 700 talents from them. This happened in the previous year, when Theophrastus the successor of Nicomachus was archon {340/39}, according to other writers and Philochorus, who says: "And Chares went off to the meeting of the king's generals, leaving some ships at Hieron, to collect the cargo boats which were coming down from the Euxine Sea. Philippus, when he realised that Chares had gone away, at first attempted to send some ships to seize the boats; but when he failed to carry them off by force, he transported some soldiers to the far side of Hieron, and in that way he gained possession of the cargo boats. In total, there were no less than two hundred and thirty boats. And determining that they were prizes of war, he broke them up and used the wood for war-engines. He also obtained corn and hides, and a large quantity of money."

(?) Book 7

[163] Plut:Mor_846'A-B Harpalus brings a large sum of money to Athens.

[164] Plut:Mor_847'A Demosthenes dies by drinking poison.

(?) Book 8

[165] Athen_15.697'a The Athenians sing paeans in honour of Antigonus and Demetrius.

[166] SCHOL.PIND., NEM.3'4 Philochorus says that the Athenians passed a decree that the whole of the month of Demetrion should be a holy time, that is that the whole month should be a festival.

[167] DIONYSIUS, DIN.9 - translated by S.Usher {A list of Athenian archons} . . . Anaxicrates. In his year {307/6} the oligarchy which had been set up by Cassander was removed and those who were impeached went into exile, including Deinarchus. There followed Coroebus, Euxenippus, Pherecles, Leostratus, Nicocles, Clearchus, Hegemachus, Euctemon, Mnesidemus, Antiphates, Nicias, Nicostratus, Olympiodorus, Philippus. It was during the term of this archon {292/1} that king Demetrius granted Deinarchus, along with the other exiles, permission to return.

Other possible fragments from the Atthis

[181] Suda_P'2022 pompeia - the equipment used for processions.

[200] SCHOL.AR., AV.1106 The owl was the design on the tetradrachm, as Philochorus says; and the tetradachm coin was called an owl. At that time, the owl was on reverse of the coin, and {a portrait of} Athene was on the obverse. The previous didrachm coins had an ox on the reverse.

[202] SCHOL.AR., ACH.220 Lacrateides was an ancient archon at Athens {(?) 499/8}, as Philochorus confirms. He was archon in the time of Dareius, when there was a great amount of snow, and everything was so frozen that no-one could go out. Therefore they used the phrase "of Lacrateides" for anything that was frigid.

[203] SCHOL.AR., PAX.145 ""In Peiraeus there is the harbour of Cantharus". {The harbour of Cantharus} is part of the Peiraeus, according to Callicratides (or Menecles) in About Athens, who writes as follows: "Peiraeus has three harbours, which can all be closed. One is called the harbour of Cantharus, in which there are (?) sixty dockyards, and a {temple of} Aphrodite, and five porticoes around the harbour." Alternatively, perhaps the place where these ships were stationed, and the origin of the name is as follows: in Attica there really is a village called the harbour of Cantharus (not simply Cantharus), and it was named after a local hero, as Philochorus relates.

[205] STEPHANUS BYZ. Xypetē: a deme of the Cecropis tribe. A citizen of the deme is called Xypeteōn . . . and anything belonging to the place is called ek Xypeteōnōn . . . but Philochorus calls the deme Xypeteōnŏn with an omega and an omicron at the end.

[206] STEPHANUS BYZ. Semachidae: a deme of Attica, named after Semachus, who with his daughters received Dionysus as a guest; the priestesses of Dionysus are descended from them. It belongs to the Antiochis tribe, and Philochorus says that the deme is {in the district} of Epacria.

[223] VIT.ARISTOT.MARC. {Aristotle} lived on for another 23 years after the death of Plato, partly in . . . educating Alexander, partly in travelling with him over great distances, partly in writing, and partly in acting as head of his school. Aristotle did not build the Lyceium in opposition to Plato, as Aristoxenus first falsely alleged . . . if he stayed with Plato until his death. In fact Plato was born when Diotimus was archon at Athens {428/7} and after living for 82 years departed from life when Theophilus {was archon} {348/7}. Aristotle was born when Diotrephes {was archon} {384/3} and after living for 63 years died when Philocles {was archon} {322/1}. Aristotle went to {the school of} Plato when Nausigenes {was archon} {368/7} , and lived on for a further 23 years after Plato, from {the archon} Theophilus, in whose year Plato died, until {the archon} Philocles, in whose year Aristotle died. So Aristotle could not, as these slanderers suggest, have gone to {the school of} Plato when he was 40 years old, when Eudoxus {(?) was in his prime}, because if Aristotle lived for 63 years, and we subtract the 20 years that he attended the school of Plato, that would leave only three years after the death of Plato, and it is impossible for him to have published all his books in three years, indeed it would not be easy to read them all in such a short time. All this is recorded by Philochorus. He also says that it is not likely that Aristotle, who was a foreigner, could have acted in this way against Plato, who was a citizen and had great influence on account of Chabrias and Timotheus, the Athenian generals who were his relatives.

[224] PHILODEMUS, IND.ACAD. Speusippus took over [the school] from {Plato}. Philochorus says that Speusippus [dedicated the statues of the Graces], which still exist, when he [already was leader of] the Museium. The inscription on them says: "Speusippus dedicated these Graces to the Muses, goddesses [to goddesses], making the gift in response to an oracle." {Philochorus} writes that {at that time Speusippus} already had weak limbs, and he died after leading the school for eight years. The young men held an election to decide who should be their next leader, and they chose Xenocrates of Chalcedon. Menedemus of Pyrrha and Heracleides of Heracleia were beaten by a few votes, while Aristotle was absent in Macedonia.

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