These letters were sent in the years 57-54 B.C.
The translation is by E.O. Winstedt (1919). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each section. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.
Some passages in the Latin text of letters 16-19 in this book have been rearranged by modern editors; see note 48 below.
CONTENTS: 1 2 3 4 4A 5 6 7 8 8A 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
← Book 3
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
As soon as I reached Rome and there was anyone to whom I could safely entrust a letter to you, my first thought was to write and thank you for my return, since you are not here to receive my thanks. For I realised, to tell you the truth, that though in the advice you gave me you showed yourself no wiser and no braver than myself, and indeed, considering my past attentions to you, you were none too energetic in defence of my honour, still, though at first you shared my mistake or rather my madness and my unnecessary fright, it was you who took my exile most to heart and contributed most energy, zeal and perseverance in bringing about my return. 2 And so I can assure you that in the midst of great rejoicing and the most gratifying congratulations, one thing was lacking to fill the cup of my happiness, the sight of you or rather your embrace. When once I have obtained that, I shall certainly think myself undeserving of this renewal of good fortune, if ever I let you go again, and if I do not exact to the full all arrears in the enjoyment of your pleasant society.
3 As regards my political position, I have attained what I thought would be the hardest thing to recover - my distinction as an advocate, my authority in the senate and more popularity with the good men than I desire. But you know how my private property has been crippled, dissipated, plundered. I am in great difficulties with it and stand in need not so much of your means, which I know I can look upon as my own, as of your advice to gather the fragments together and arrange matters.
4 Now, though I suppose you have had all the news from your family or from messengers and rumour, I will give you a short account of everything I think you would rather learn from my letters. On the 4th of August, the very day the law about me was proposed, I started from Dyrrachium, and arrived at Brundisium on the 5th. There my little Tullia was waiting for me, on her own birthday, which as it happened, was the anniversary day of Brundisium and of the temple of Safety near your house too. The coincidence was noticed and the people of Brundisium held great celebrations. On the 8th of August, while I was still at Brundisium, I heard from Quintus that the law had been passed in the Comitia Centuriata with extraordinary enthusiasm of all ages and ranks in Italy who had flocked to Rome in thousands. Then I started on my journey amid the rejoicings of all the loyal folk of Brundisium, and was met everywhere by deputations offering congratulations.
5 When I came near the city, there was not a soul of any class known to my nomenclator, ** who did not come to meet me, except those enemies who could neither hide nor deny their enmity. When I reached the Capenan Gate, the steps of the temples were thronged with the populace. Their joy was exhibited in loud applause: a similar crowd accompanied me with like applause to the Capitol, and in the forum and on the very Capitol there was an extraordinary gathering.
6 In a meeting of the senate on the next day, the 5th of September, I returned thanks to the Senate. ** On those two days bread was very dear and crowds ran first to the theatre and then to the senate, crying out at Clodius' instigation that the dearth of corn was my fault. On the same days there were meetings of the senate about the corn supply and Pompey was called upon by poor and rich alike to take the matter in hand. He was more than willing; and the people asked me by name to propose it: so I delivered my opinion carefully. As the ex-consuls, except Messalla and Afranius, were absent, thinking it was not safe to record a vote, a decree was passed in accordance with my proposal that Pompey should be asked to take the matter in hand and a law should be passed. When this bill was read out, the people received the mention of my name with applause after the new silly fashion: and I delivered an harangue, with the permission of all the magistrates present, except one praetor ** and two tribunes.
7 On the next day there was a full senate and all the ex-consuls were willing to grant Pompey anything. He asked for a committee of fifteen, naming me at the head of them and saying that I should count as his second self in everything. The consuls drew up a law giving Pompey the direction of the whole corn supply in the world for five years: Messius another granting him the control of the treasury, and adding an army and a fleet and higher powers than those of the local officials in the provinces. The law we ex-consuls proposed is regarded now as quite moderate, this of Messius as perfectly intolerable. Pompey says he prefers the former; his friends that he prefers the latter. Favonius is leading the consular party ** who rebel against it, while I hold my peace, especially as the pontifices at present have given no answer about my house. If they annul the consecration, ** I shall have a splendid site. The consuls will value the building according to the decree of the Senate; if not, they will pull it down, lease it out in their own name, and reckon up the whole cost.
8 So my affairs are
"For happy though but ill, for ill not worst."
My financial affairs, as you know, are in an awful muddle: and there are some private matters which I won't commit to writing. I am devoted to my brother Quintus as his extraordinary affection, virtue and loyalty deserve. I am looking forward to your coming and beg you to come soon, and to come resolved to give me the full benefit of your advice. I am standing at the threshold of a new life. Already those who took my part in my exile are beginning to feel annoyance at my presence, though they disguise it, and to envy me without even taking the trouble to disguise that. I really stand in urgent need of you.
[2] L { beginning of October 57 }
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
If I am a less regular correspondent than others, please do not lay it to my carelessness or to my business either; for, though I am extraordinarily busy, no press of work could be sufficient to break the course of our affection or of my duty to you. Since I have come to Rome, this is the second time that I have heard of a messenger, and so this is the second letter I send. In my former I described the sort of return I had, my position and the state of all my affairs:
"For happy though but ill, for ill not worst."
2 After I sent that letter, there followed a great fight about my house. I delivered a speech ** before the pontifices on the 29th of September. I bestowed great pains on the matter, and, if ever I had any oratorical ability, or even if I never had before, on that occasion at any rate, my great indignation lent some vigour to my style. So its publication is a debt which I must not leave unpaid to the rising generation: and to you I will send it very soon, whether you want it or not.
3 The pontifices decreed that "if the party alleging that he had dedicated had not been appointed by name either by order of the people or vote of the plebs, and if he had not been commanded to do so, either by order of the people or by vote of the plebs then it appeared that that part of the site might be restored to me without sacrilege," I was congratulated at once, everybody thinking that the house had been adjudged to me. But all of a sudden up gets a man to speak, at Appius' invitation, and announces that the pontifices have decided in his favour and I am trying to take possession by force: he exhorts them to follow him and Appius and defend their shrine of Liberty. Thereupon, though even those pliable persons were partly lost in wonder and partly laughing at the man's folly, I determined not to go near the place until the consuls by decree of the Senate had given out the contract for restoring the porch of Catulus. ** On the first of October there was a full meeting of the Senate.
4 All the pontifices who were senators were summoned: and Marcellinus, a strong partisan of mine, being called upon first for his opinion, asked them what was the purport of their decree. Then M. Lucullus speaking for all his colleagues answered, that the pontifices had to decide points of religion and the Senate points of law: he and his colleagues had settled the religious point and now in the Senate they would join the other senators in settling the legal point. Accordingly as each of them was called upon in his turn, he delivered a long speech in my favour. When it came to Clodius, he wanted to waste the whole day and spoke on endlessly, but at last, after speaking for nearly three hours, he was forced by the indignant outcry of the Senate to wind up his speech. A decree was passed in accordance with Marcellinus' proposal with only one dissentient voice: and then Serranus put his veto on it. Both consuls at once referred the veto to the Senate, and many resolute speeches were delivered: "that the Senate approved of the restitution of my house," "that a contract should be drawn up for the portico of Catulus," "that the Senate's resolution should be supported by all the magistrates," "that if any violence occurred, the Senate would hold him responsible who had vetoed its decree." Serranus took fright and Cornicinus played the same old farce: he threw off his toga and flung himself at his son-in-law's feet. Serranus demanded a night to think it over. They would not grant it, remembering the first of January. ** At last with my consent the concession was unwillingly made.
5 On the next day the decree which I send was passed. Then the consuls gave out the contract for the restoration of the portico of Catulus; and the contractors immediately pulled down the other portico to everybody's satisfaction. The consuls valued my house at 2,000,000 sesterces at their assessor's advice: and the other things very stingily - my Tusculan villa at 500,000 sesterces and my Formian at 250,000 sesterces. This estimate was violently decried not only by all the good men, but by the people too. If you ask me the reason, they say it was my modesty, as I did not refuse or make pressing demands. But that is not the reason; for that in itself would have counted for me. But the fact is, my dear Pomponius, those very same men - you know quite well who I mean - who cut my wings, do not wish them to grow again. But I hope they are growing. Do you only come to me. But I fear you may be delayed by the visit of your and my friend Varro.
6 There you have all that has happened. Now you shall dip into my thoughts. I have let myself be appointed legate to Pompey with a reservation that it should not hamper me at all. If I did not want to have a free hand to stand for the censorship, if the next consuls hold a censorial election, I would have taken a votive commission to nearly any shrines or groves. For that was what suited my idea of my interests best. But I wanted to be free either to stand for election or to quit the city at the beginning of summer and meanwhile I thought it good policy to keep myself before the eyes of the citizens who have treated me well.
7 As regards public affairs those are my plans: but my private affairs are in a horrible muddle. My house is being built and you know the expense and the bother it entails: my Formian villa is being restored, though I cannot bring myself either to abandon it or to look at it. My house at Tusculum I have put up for sale: I can easily do without a suburban residence. My friends' benevolence has been exhausted in what has brought nothing but dishonour: this you saw, though you were absent, and so do I who am on the spot: and I might have obtained all I wanted easily from their efforts and their wealth, if my champions had allowed it. In this respect I am now in sore straits. My other anxieties may not be rashly mentioned. My brother and daughter are devoted to me. I am looking forward to your coming.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I am sure you are wanting to know what is going on here and to know it from me too, not that there is any more certainty about events which take place before the eyes of the whole world, if I write to you about them, than if others either write or tell you of them: but that you may see from my letters how I am taking events and what are my feelings and my general state of existence.
2 On the 3rd of November the workmen were driven out of my building-ground by armed assault: the porch of Catulus, which was being repaired on a contract made by the consuls in accordance with a decree of the Senate, and had nearly got as high as the roof, was knocked down: my brother Quintus' house was first smashed by a discharge of stones from my plot, and then set on fire under Clodius' orders by firebrands hurled before the eyes of the whole city, amidst the groans and growls - I will not say of the good men, who seem to have vanished out of existence - but simply of every human creature. He was rushing about in a frenzy, thinking of nothing but the slaughter of his enemies after this mad fashion, and canvassing the city quarter by quarter, openly promising liberation to slaves. Before this, when he was trying to shirk his trial, he had a case hard indeed to support and obviously wrongful, but still it was a case: he could deny things, he could put the blame on others, he could even plead that he had the right on his side in some respects. But after this wreckage, arson and pillage, his own supporters have left him in the lurch and he hardly has a hold now even on Decimus the (?) undertaker, or Gellius: he has to take slaves into his confidence and sees, that if he openly commits all the murders he wishes to commit, his case before the court will not be one whit worse than it is now.
3 So, on the 11th of November, as I was going down the Sacred Way, he followed me with his gang. There were shouts, stones, clubs, swords, all without a moment's warning. We stepped aside into Tettius Damio's hall: and those who were with me easily prevented his roughs from entering. He might have been killed himself: but I have got tired of surgery and am beginning a cure by diet. He realised that there was a universal outcry not for his prosecution but for his execution, and has since behaved in a way that makes Catiline look like Acidinus. For on the 12th of November he attempted to storm and burn Milo's house - the one on the Cermalus - openly bringing men with shields and drawn swords and others with lighted torches to the spot at eleven o'clock in the morning. His own headquarters during the assault were P. Sulla's house. Then Q. Flaccus led forth a gallant band from Milo's family house and slew the most notorious of Clodius' troop of ruffians. He wanted to slay Clodius himself: but he was skulking in the recesses of Sulla's house. There followed a meeting of the Senate on the 14th: Clodius stayed at home: Marcellinus behaved splendidly: and everybody was enthusiastic. Metellus with the assistance of Appius and, mark you, your great friend ** of whose constancy you sent me such a veracious account, tried the ruse of talking the time away. Sestius was furious, Clodius afterwards vowed vengeance on the city, if his election ** did not take place. Marcellinus posted up his resolution which he had in writing when he delivered it - it provided that my entire case should be included in the trial, the attack on my building ground, the arson and the assault on my person, and that all these should precede the election - and Milo gave notice that he intended to watch the sky for omens on all the election days.
4 Disorderly meetings were held by Metellus, wild meetings by Appius and raging mad meetings by Publius. But the end of it all was that the elections would have taken place, if Milo had not reported evil omens in the Campus Martius. On the 19th of November Milo took up his position in the Campus before midnight with a large force; while Clodius in spite of his picked gangs of runaway slaves did not venture to show himself. Milo to the huge delight of everybody and to his own great credit stayed there till midday: and the three brethren's ** struggle ended in disgrace, their strength broken and their mad pride humbled. Metellus; however, demands that the prohibition should be repeated in the forum on the next day. There was no necessity, he said, for Milo to come to the Campus at night; he would be in the Comitium at six in the morning. So on the 20th Milo went to the Comitium in the early hours of the morning. At daybreak Metellus came sneaking into the Campus by something like bye-paths. Milo catches the fellow up "between the groves" ** and serves his notice: and he retired amid loud jeers and insults from Q. Flaccus. The 21st was a market-day, and for two days there were no meetings.
5 It is now three o'clock on the morning of the 23rd as I am writing. Milo has already taken possession of the Campus. Marcellus, the candidate, is snoring loud enough for me to hear him next door. I have just had news that Clodius' hall is utterly deserted, save for a few layabouts with a canvas lantern. His side are complaining that I am at the bottom of it all: but they little know the courage and wisdom of that hero. His valour is marvellous. I can't stop to mention some of his new strokes of genius. But this is the upshot: I believe the elections will not be held, and Milo will bring Publius before the court, unless he kills him first. If he gives him a chance in a riot, I can see Milo will kill him with his own hands. He has got no scruples about it and avows his intentions, undeterred by my downfall: for he has never followed the advice of a jealous and treacherous friend, nor trusted in a weak aristocrat.
6 So far as my mind is concerned, I am as strong as ever I was even in my most palmy days, if not stronger; but my circumstances are straitened. My brother Quintus' liberality I shall repay, in spite of his protests, as the state of my finances compels me - by the aid of friends, so as not entirely to beggar myself. What general course of action to adopt I cannot make up my mind without your assistance; so make haste.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I was charmed by Cincius' visit on the 28th of January before daybreak: for he told me you were in Italy and he was sending some men to you. I did not like them to go without a letter from me - not that I had anything to write, especially when you are so near, but that I might express my delight at your arrival and how I have longed for it. So fly to me with the assurance that your love for me is fully reciprocated. The rest we will discuss when we meet. I am writing in haste. The day you arrive, mind, you and your party are to accept my hospitality.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I shall be delighted if you can pay me a visit. You will be surprised at Tyrannio's excellent arrangement in my library. What is left of it is much better than I expected: still I should be glad if you would send me two of your library slaves for Tyrannio to employ to glue pages together and assist in general, and would tell them to get some bits of parchment to make title-pieces, which I think you Greeks call "sillybi." 2 That is only if it is convenient to you. In any case mind you come yourself, if you can stick in such a place, and bring Pilia ** with you. For that is only right and Tullia wishes her to come. My word! you have bought a fine troop. I hear your gladiators are fighting splendidly. If you had cared to let them out, you would have cleared your expenses on these two shows. But of that later. Be sure you come, and, as you love me, remember the library slaves.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Come now, do you really imagine I prefer my things to be read and criticised by anyone but you? Then why did I send them to anyone else first? The man I sent them to was very pressing and I had not a copy. Anything else? Well, yes - though I keep mouthing the pill instead of swallowing it - I was a bit ashamed of my palinode. ** But good-bye to honesty, straightforwardness and uprightness! You would hardly believe the treachery of our leaders, as they want to be and would be, if they had any honour. I knew full well how they had taken me in, abandoned me and cast me off. Still I resolved to stick to them in politics. But they have proved the same as ever: and at last I have come to my senses under your guidance.
2 You will say your advice applied exclusively to my actions and did not include writing too. The fact is, I wanted to tie myself down to this new alliance so as to leave myself no chance of slipping back to those who do not cease to envy me, even when they ought to pity me. However, I was quite moderate in my treatment of the subject, as I have said. I will let myself go more, if he ** takes it well, and those make wry faces who are annoyed to see me occupy a villa which used to belong to Catulus, forgetting that I bought it from Vettius; and who declare I ought not to have built a house, but ought to have sold the site. That however is nothing compared with their unholy joy, when the very speeches I delivered in support of their views were alienating me from Pompey. Let us have an end of it. Since those who have no influence refuse me their affection, I may as well try to win that of those who have some influence. 3 You will say you wish I had before. I know you wished it, and I was a downright ass. But now is the time to show affection for myself, since I cannot get any from them anyhow.
I am very grateful to you for going to see my house so often. Crassipes is swallowing all my travelling money. You say I must go straight to your country house. It seems to me more convenient to go to your town house, and on the next day, it can't make any difference to you. But we shall see. Your men have beautified my library by binding the books and affixing title-slips. Please thank them.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
The news about Lentulus I feel of course as I ought: we have lost a good man and a fine fellow, and one who combined a remarkable strength of character with great courtesy. Still I find some consolation, though a poor one, in the thought that I need not grieve for him - not for the same reason as Saufeius and your Epicurean friends, but because he was so true a patriot that it seems as though a merciful providence had snatched him from his country's fiery ruin. For what could be more shameful than the life we are all leading, especially myself? You, in spite of a political bent, have avoided wearing any special yoke; but you share the universal bondage.
2 But think of the sufferings I undergo, when I am taken for a lunatic, if I say what I ought about the State, for a slave, if I say what expediency dictates, and for a cowed and helpless bondsman, if I hold my tongue. I suffer as you may suppose, with the added bitterness that I cannot show my grief without seeming ungrateful. Well! why shouldn't I take a rest, and flee to the haven of retirement? I haven't the chance. Then be it war and camp. And so I must be a camp-follower, after refusing to be a commander. So be it. That I see is your opinion, and I wish I had always followed your advice. All that is left to me is: "Sparta is your portion - embellish it". ** But upon my soul I can't stomach it, and have a fellow feeling for Philoxenus, ** who preferred to go back to his prison. However, I am spending my time here devising a way of confounding their policy, and when we meet you will strengthen my purpose. I see your letters were written at several times, but I received them all together, and that increased my sorrow; for, as it happened, I first read the three in which you said Lentulus was a little better; and then, lo and behold, a thunderbolt in the fourth. Still, as I said, he is out of misery, while we live on in an Iron Age. **
3 I have not forgotten your advice to write about Hortensius, though I have drifted into other things. But upon my word, I jibbed at the very beginning. I look foolish enough for not submitting to his conduct, outrageous though it was, from a friend, and, if I were to write about it, I fear I should enhance my folly by advertising his insult, while at the same time the self-restraint which I showed in my actions might not be so apparent in writing, and this way of taking satisfaction might seem rather weak. But we will see. Be sure you send me a line as often as you can, and take care you get from Lucceius the letter ** I sent asking him to write my biography. It is a very pretty bit of writing. Urge him to be quick about it, and give him my thanks for his answer undertaking it. Have a look at my house as often as possible. Say something to Vestorius: he is behaving most liberally to me.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Nothing could be more à propos than your letter, which has relieved me about the dear child Quintus very greatly. Chaerippus had come two hours earlier with the wildest tales. As to your news about Apollonius, confound him! A Greek to go bankrupt and think he has the same privilege as a Roman knight! For of course Terentius was within his rights. 2 As to Metellus "de mortuis nil nisi bonum," ** still for years no citizen has died who . . . For your money I will go bail. Why should you fear, whoever he has appointed his heir, unless it were Publius? However, he has chosen an heir no worse than himself: so you won't have to open your coffers over this business, and you will be more careful another time. 3 You will attend to my instructions about the house, hire some guards and give Milo a hint. There is a tremendous outcry here at Arpinum about Laterium. ** Of course I am much distressed about it: but "he paid no heed to my words." ** For the rest, look after little Quintus with the affection you always show towards him.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Your letter contained many delightful passages, but nothing to beat the "plate of red herrings." For as to what you say about the little debt, "don't boast till you see the end of it." ** I can't find anything like a country house for you. In the town there is something, and quite close to me too, but it is not certain if it is for sale. Let me tell you that Antium is the Buthrotum of Rome, and just what your Buthrotum is to Corcyra. Nothing could be quieter or fresher or prettier: "this be my own sweet home." 2 Since Tyrannio has arranged my books, the house seems to have acquired a soul: and your Dionysius and Menophilus were of extraordinary service. Nothing could be more charming than those bookcases of yours now that the books are adorned with title-slips. Farewell. Please let me know about the gladiators: but only if they are behaving well; if not, I don't want to know.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Apenas had hardly gone when your letter came. Really? Do you think he won't propose his law? Please speak a little more clearly, I hardly think I caught your meaning. But let me know at once, if you possibly can. Well, as they have given an extra day to the games, I shall be all the better contented to spend that day here with Dionysius. 2 About Trebonius I heartily agree with you. As for Domitius, his dénouement was as like mine as two peas in a pod; the same persons had a hand in it, it was equally unexpected, and the good men deserted us both. There is only one point of difference: he deserved his fate. Perhaps my fall was the less hard to bear. For what could be more humiliating than for one, who all his life long has looked forward to the consulship as his birth-right, to fail to obtain it - and that too when there is no one or at most only one other candidate standing against him? ** An estate of Q. Cicero in Arpinum. He seems to have diverted a watercourse to the annoyance of his neighbours.But, if it is true that our friend ** has in his note-books as many pages of names of future consuls as of past, then Domitius has only one rival in his misfortunes - the country which has given up even hoping for better days.
3 Your letter was the first to give me information about Natta: I could never abide the man. You ask about my poem. Well, what if it wants to take wing? Will you let it? I had begun to mention Fabius Luscus: he was always a great admirer of mine, and I never disliked him, for he was intelligent enough and very worthy and unassuming. As I had not seen him for a long time, I thought he was away: but I hear from this fellow Gavius of Firmum that the man is in Rome and has been here all along. It struck me as odd. You will say it is an insignificant trifle. But he had told me a good many things, of which there was no doubt, about those brothers from Firmum: and what has made him shun me, if he has shunned me, I cannot imagine.
4 Your advice to act diplomatically and not to steer too close to the wind ** I will follow: but I shall want more than my own stock of wisdom; so, as usual, I shall draw on you. Please scent out anything you can from Fabius, if you can get at him, and suck that guest of yours dry, and write to me every day about these points and anything else. When you have nothing to write, write and say so. Look after yourself.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I should much like to know whether the tribunes are hindering the census by declaring days void ** - for there is a rumour to that effect - and what is happening about the census in general and what people are thinking. I met Pompey here; and he told me a lot of political news. He was very dissatisfied with himself, as he said - for that is a necessary proviso in his case. Of Syria he expressed a very low opinion, while he runs down ** Spain - with the same proviso "as he said," which I think must be inserted everywhere when he is mentioned, like the tag "this too is by Phocylides." To you he expressed his thanks for undertaking the arrangement of the statues, and he laid himself out to be most uncommonly pleasant to me. He even came to visit me in my house at Cumae. The last thing he seemed to wish was that Messalla should stand for the consulship: and if you have any information on that point, I should like to know it.
2 I am most grateful to you for saying that you will recommend me as a subject for a panegyric to Lucceius and for your frequent visits to my house. My brother Quintus has written that he will pay you a visit on the 7th of May since you have his dear child with you. I left my villa at Cumae on the 26th of April, spent that night with Paetus at Naples, and am writing this very early in the morning of the 27th on my way to my place at Pompeii.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Puteoli is full of the report that Ptolemy is restored. ** If you have more definite news, I should like to know it. Here I am feasting on Faustus' library. Perhaps you thought it was on the attractions of Puteoli and the Lucrine lakes. Well, I have them too. But upon my word the more I am deprived of other enjoyments and pleasures on account of the state of politics, the more support and recreation do I find in literature. And I would rather be in that niche of yours under Aristotle's statue than in their curule chair, and take a walk with you at home than have the company which I see will be with me on my path. But my path I leave to fate or god; if there be any god that looks after these things.
2 Please have a look at my garden path and my Laconicum and the other things which are in Cyrus' province, when you can, and urge Philotimus to make haste, so that I may have something in that line to match yours. Pompey came to his place at Cumae on the Parilia: and at once sent a man to me with his compliments. I am going to call on him on the morning following, as soon as I have written this letter.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I was delighted with your two letters which I received together on the 26th. Go on with the story. I am longing to hear the whole of it. I should also like you to look into the meaning of this: you can find out from Demetrius. Pompey told me he was expecting Crassus at his house at Alba on the 27th: and as soon as he arrived they were going to Rome together to settle accounts with the tax-gatherers. I asked, "During the show of gladiators?" And he answered, "Before it begins," Please let me know what this means, either at once, if you know, or when he gets to Rome.
2 I am devouring literature here with that extraordinary person - for upon my soul I really think he is extraordinary - Dionysius, who sends his respects to you and all your family. "Than knowing everything nought more sweet." ** So satisfy my curiosity by describing to me all about the first and second days of the show, the censors, Appius, and that unsexed Appuleius ** of the populace: and finally please let me know what you are doing yourself. For to tell you the truth your letters are as exciting to me as a revolution. I did not bring anyone away with me except Dionysius; yet I have no fear of feeling the lack of conversation: I find the youth so entertaining. You will give my book to Lucceius. I am sending you one by Demetrius of Magnesia, so that there may be a messenger handy to bring back your answer at once.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Egnatius is at Rome: but I pleaded Halimetus' cause strongly with him at Antium. He assured me he would speak seriously to Aquilius. You can look him up, if you like. I hardly think I can keep the appointment with Macro: for I see that the auction at Larinum is on the 15th and the two following days. Please forgive me, since you think so highly of Macro. But as you love me, dine with me on the 2nd, and bring Pilia with you. You absolutely must. On the 1st I am thinking of dining in Crassipes' gardens in lieu of an inn; and so I cheat the senatorial decree. ** From there I shall proceed home after dinner, so as to keep my appointment with Milo in the morning. There then I shall see you, and I will wait till you come. My whole family sends its respects.
[13] L { 15 or 16 November 55 }
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I see you know of my arrival at my Tusculum villa on the 14th of November. There I was met by Dionysius. I want to be back in Rome on the 17th. When I say want, I mean I have to be in town for Milo's wedding. There is some idea of an election. Even if it has come off, I am not at all sorry to have missed the disputes which I hear have taken place in the Senate. For I should either have had to give my support against my conscience, or neglect my bounden duty. But I hope to goodness you will write me as full a description as possible of that affair and of the present state of politics and tell me how the consuls are taking all this pother. I am ravenous for news, and, to tell you the truth, I suspect everything.
2 They say our friend Crassus made a less dignified start ** in his uniform than L. Paulus of old, who rivalled him in age and in his two consulships. What a poor thing he is! I have been working hard at the books on oratory: ** and have had them on hand a long time and done a lot to them: you can have them copied. Again I beg you to send me a sketch of the present situation, that I may not feel an utter stranger when I get back.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Our friend Vestorius has informed me by letter that you are believed to have left Rome on the 10th of May, later than you said you would, because you had not been quite well. I sincerely hope you are better now. Would you please write home telling them to give me the run of your books, more especially of Varro, just as though you were there? I shall have to use some passages from those books for the works I have in hand, ** which I hope will meet with your hearty approval. 2 I should be glad if you would let me know, if you happen to have any news, from my brother Quintus particularly, or from C. Caesar, or anything about the elections and politics - you generally have a good scent for such things. If you have no news, write something anyhow: for no letter of yours ever seemed ill-timed or long-winded to me. But above all please come back as soon as possible, when your business and your tour are completed to your satisfaction. Give my regards to Dionysius. Take care of yourself.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I am glad to hear about Eutychides. Taking your old name and your new surname, he will be T. Caecilius, just as Dionysius has become M. Pomponius by a combination of yours and mine. It is really a great pleasure to me that Eutychides should know that his freedom is a favour granted on my account, and that his sympathy with me in my sorrow was not lost on me at the time nor forgotten afterwards.
2 I suppose your journey to Asia is inevitable; for you would never want to put such a distance between yourself and all your nearest and dearest friends and possessions without very good reason. But you will show your consideration and your love for your friends by the quickness with which you return. I am however afraid the attractions of the rhetorician Clodius and the reputed deep learning of Pituanius, ** who just now is devoted to Greek literature, may keep you from returning. But, if you would prove yourself a good man and true, find your way back to us by the date you promised. You can spend your time with them when they get safely to Rome.
3 You say you are longing for a line of some sort from me. I have written a letter full of news, with everything described as in a diary, but I suppose it was never delivered, as you don't seem to have stopped long in Epirus. Besides my letters are generally not of a kind that I like to give to anyone, unless I can be sure he will deliver them to you.
4 Now I will tell you the news of the town. On the 4th of July Sufenas and Cato were acquitted, Procilius condemned. That shows us that our lights of the law care not a straw for bribery, elections, a political deadlock, treason or the country in general. They prefer one not to murder a father of a family in his own home; but even that preference has no overwhelming majority in its favour: for 22 voted for acquittal against 28 for condemnation. Publius no doubt had awakened the sympathy of the jury by his eloquent peroration for the prosecution. Hortalus was retained and behaved as usual. I did not utter a word: for my little girl, who is ill, was afraid I might offend Publius. 5 After all this the people of Reate took me to their "banks and braes" to plead their cause against the Interamnates before the consul and ten commissioners, because the Veline lake, drained by the channel cut by M'. Curius through the mountain, ** flowed into the Nar. By this means the famous Rosia has been dried up, though it is still moderately damp. I stayed with Axius, who took me for a visit to the Seven Waters too.
6 For Fonteius' sake I returned to Rome on the 9th of July. I went to the theatre and was greeted with loud and unbroken applause - but don't bother about that: I am a fool to mention it. Then I gave my attention to Antiphon. He was granted his freedom before he appeared: and, not to keep you in suspense, he won his laurels. But there never was such a little weakling with so little voice and so . . . but keep that to yourself. In the Andromache he was at least taller than Astyanax: among the rest there was no one of his size. You want to know next about Arbuscula: ** she pleased me very much. The games were magnificent and much liked. The wild beast hunt was put off till later.
7 Now follow me to the election field. There is an outburst of bribery. "More by token," ** the rate of interest has risen from 4 per cent to 8 per cent since the 15th of July. You will say: "Well, I can put up with that at any rate." And you call yourself a man and a patriot! Memmius is supported by all Caesar's influence. The consuls have coupled him with Domitius in an agreement which I dare not commit to paper. Pompey is raging and growling and backing Scaurus; but whether ostensibly or in earnest is more than one can say. None of them is romping ahead: money levels all their ranks. Messalla is not in the running, not that his heart or his friends have failed him, but the coalition of the consuls and Pompey are both against him. I think the elections will have to be postponed. The candidates for the tribunate have taken an oath to submit their conduct to Cato's approval, and have deposited 500,000 sesterces with him on the condition that any one of them who is condemned by Cato shall lose it and it shall be given to his rivals.
8 I am writing this the day before the elections are expected to take place. But on the 28th I will give you a full account of them, if they have taken place and the messenger has not started. If they really are conducted without bribery, which people think will be the case, then Cato alone will have done more than all the laws and all the law courts can do. 9 I am acting for Messius, who has been recalled from his office. Appius had given him a commission on Caesar's staff: but Servilius issued a warrant requiring his presence. The tribes he has to face are the Pomptine, Veline and Maecian. ** It is a sharp struggle, however it is getting on fairly well. Then I have to get ready for Drusus and after that for Scaurus. These will make grand titles for my speeches. I may even have the names of the consuls elect to add to the list; and, if Scaurus is not one of them, he will find himself in serious difficulties in this trial.
10 From my brother Quintus' letters I suspect he is now in Britain, and I am very anxious to know how he is getting on. One point I have certainly gained: Caesar has given many strong proofs which assure me of his esteem and affection. Please pay my compliments to Dionysius, and beg and urge him to come as soon as possible and undertake the instruction of my son and of myself too.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
The bare fact that my letter is written by the hand of an amanuensis will show you how busy I am. I have nothing to grumble about as regards the frequency of your letters, but most of them merely told me where you were. That they were from you showed, too, that you were well. The two of this sort which gave me the most pleasure were those dated almost simultaneously from Buthrotum: for I was anxious to know whether you had a good crossing. But it is more the regularity of this constant supply of letters which has pleased me than the richness of their contents. The one that your guest M. Paccius delivered was of importance and full of matter: so I will answer that. The first thing is that I have shown Paccius, both by word and by deed, the weight a recommendation from you carries. Accordingly he is among my intimate friends now, though I did not know him before.
2 Now for the rest. You mention Varro: I will try and get him in somewhere, if I can find a place. But you know the style of my Dialogues: just as in those On the Orator, which you laud to the skies, I could not let the interlocutors mention anyone except persons they had known or heard of, so here too in the dialogue On the Republic which I have begun, I have put the discussion in the mouths of Africanus, Philus, Laelius and Manilius, adding the youths Q. Tubero, P. Rutilius and the two sons-in-law of Laelius, Scaevola and Fannius. So I am thinking of contriving some way of mentioning him appropriately - for that I think is what you want - in one of the introductions. I am giving an introduction to each book, as Aristotle does in the work he called the Exoterics. And I only hope I may manage to get him in. For as you fully comprehend, I have set my hand to a subject of wide range and of some difficulty, which requires much leisure; and that is precisely what I have not got.
3 While praising those books, you miss the character of Scaevola from the scene. ** It was not without good reason that I removed him. Our god Plato did the same in his Republic. When Socrates called on that wealthy and cheery old soul Cephalus in the Piraeus, the old man takes part in the discussion during the introductory conversation; but after a very neat speech, he pleads that he wants to go to attend to religious matters, and does not come back again. I fancy Plato thought it would have been inartistic to keep a man of that age any longer in so lengthy a discussion. I thought there was still more reason to be careful in the case of Scaevola, who was at the age and in the state of health in which you must remember he was, and was crowned with such honours that it would hardly have been proper for him to spend several days with Crassus at his villa at Tusculum. Besides, the talk in the first book was not unconnected with Scaevola's pursuits: while the remaining books contained a technical discussion, as you know. In such I did not like the merry old man, you remember, to take a part.
4 In Pilia's business I will be sure to do what you suggest: for, as you say, the point is quite clear on Aurelianus' evidence. And it will give me a chance of glorifying myself in my Tullia's eyes. I am supporting Vestorius: for I see you regard it as a favour, and I make him see it too. But you know the kind of man he is: frightfully difficult to get on with, even for two such easy-going people.
5 Now for your questions about C. Cato. You know he was acquitted under the Junian and Licinian law. The Fufian law will acquit him too, I assure you, and that as much to the relief of his accusers as of his supporters. However, he has made his peace with Milo and myself. Drusus is being prosecuted by Lucretius. The day for challenging the jury is fixed for the 3rd of July. About Procilius there are sinister rumours: but you know what juries are. Hirrus is on good terms with Domitius. ** The decree which these consuls have carried about the provinces, "whosoever henceforth," etc., I do not think will have any effect.
6 I don't know what to say to your question about Messalla: I have never seen candidates more evenly matched. You know Messalla's support. Scaurus has been called into court by Triarius; without any great sympathy for him being aroused, if you want to know. However his aedileship recalls no unpleasant memories, and their remembrance of his father has some weight with the country voters. The other two plebeian candidates are about equal, as Domitius is strong in friends and his very popular gladiatorial exhibition will count for him, while Memmius is popular with Caesar's soldiers and relies on the support of Pompey's Gaul. If that does not avail him, it is thought some one will block the elections till Caesar's return, especially since Cato's acquittal.
7 There, I have answered the letter Paccius brought. Now you must let me scold you, if you deserve it. In the letter dated from Buthrotum which was delivered by C. Decimius, you say you think you will have to go to Asia. For the life of me I cannot see any reason why it should make the least little bit of difference whether you act by proxy or in person; nor why you should so often go to such out of the way places. But I wish I had tackled you about it before you had taken any steps: then I should certainly have had some influence. As it is, I will keep the rest of my scolding for another time. I only hope it may prevail on you to return quickly. The reason why I write so seldom to you is that I do not know where you are or are going to be. But as there was some one or other who thought he might see you, I decided to give him this letter. Since you think of going to Asia, let me know when we may expect you back and what you have done about Eutychides.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I suppose you think I have forgotten my old custom and rule and write less frequently than I used; but the fact is that I have not given letters to anyone going to Epirus or Athens or Asia, unless he was going expressly to you, because there was no certainty where you were or where you were going. For our letters are not such that it would do no harm to us, if they are not delivered. They are so full of secrets that we cannot even trust an amanuensis as a rule, for fear of some jest leaking out.
2 The consuls' infamy has had a lurid light thrown on it owing to C. Memmius, one of the candidates, who read out in the Senate an agreement made by himself and his fellow-candidate Domitius with them. If they were elected to the consulship, they were both to give the consuls 4,000,000 sesterces each, if they did not produce three augurs who would depose that they were present at the carrying of a lex curiata - which had never been passed; and two ex-consuls who would depose to having been present at the drafting of a decree for the fitting out of the consular provinces - though there had never been any meeting of the Senate about it at all. As this compact was alleged not to be a mere verbal compact, but one properly drawn up with the sums promised on it, drafts on the bank, and many other documents, Memmius exhibited it, with all the items entered, ** on the suggestion of Pompey. It was all the same to Appius: he had nothing to lose by it. The other has had a sad comedown, and I may say he is quite done for.
3 Memmius, however, having dissolved the coalition against Calvinus' will, has sunk out of mind, and his ruin is all the more irretrievable because we know now that his disclosure annoyed Caesar very much. Our friend Messalla and his fellow-competitor Domitius were very liberal to the people, and could not be more popular. They are certain of election. But the Senate has decreed that a trial behind closed doors should be held before the elections, and each candidate's conduct inquired into by the panels chosen by lot for all of them. The candidates are in a great fright: but some of the jury - among them Opimus, Veiento, and Rantius - have appealed to the tribunes to prevent their being called upon to serve without the sanction of the people. The affair is going on. A senatorial decree postponed the elections until an enactment about the trial behind closed doors was carried. The day for that enactment came, and Terentius vetoed it. The consuls, who were taking the matter very coolly, referred the point to the Senate. Thereupon there was bedlam, and I contributed my share of noise. You will say: "Can you never hold your tongue?" Forgive me: I hardly can. But could anything be more ridiculous? The Senate had passed a decree that the elections should not be held before that enactment was passed: if it was vetoed, then the matter should be brought forward again. The law was brought forward casually; it was vetoed to the satisfaction of the proposers; the matter was referred to the Senate: and they decided that it was to the interest of the State that the elections should be held as soon as possible.
4 Scaurus, who was acquitted in the last few days, after a most elaborate speech from me in his defence, gave the requisite donations to the people tribe by tribe at his own house, since all the days up to the last of September, on which I am writing, had been rendered impossible for the elections by ill omens announced by Scaevola. But though his liberality exceeded theirs, those who came first won the most popularity. I should like to see your face as you read this. For of course you have no hope that the business will be protracted over many weeks. But there is going to be a meeting of the Senate on the first of October, to-day, for the day is already breaking. There no one will speak boldly except Antius and Favonius: Cato is ill. You need not be afraid for me, but I won't promise anything.
5 What else do you want to know? Oh! the trials, I suppose. Drusus and Scaurus are thought to be innocent. Three candidates will probably be prosecuted, Domitius by Memmius, Messalla by Q. Pompeius Rufus, Scaurus by Triarius or L. Caesar. What shall I be able to find to say for them, you will ask. May I die, if I know. Certainly I find no suggestions in those three books you praise so highly. **
6 Here is the other news. From my brother's letters I hear that Caesar shows signs of extraordinary affection for me, and this is confirmed by a very cordial letter from Caesar himself. The result of the war in Britain is looked forward to with anxiety. For it is proved that the approach to the island is blocked by walls of astonishing mass, and it has been ascertained too that there is not a scrap of silver in the island, nor any hope of booty except from slaves; but I don't fancy you will find any with literary or musical talents among them.
7 Paulus has almost reached the roof of his colonnade in the forum. He has used the same old columns; but he has executed most magnificently the part he put out on contract. ** It goes without saying that a monument like that will win for him more popularity and glory than anything. And so we friends of Caesar - myself and Oppius I mean, though you may explode with wrath at my confession - have thought nothing of spending half a million of money for that public work of which you used to speak so enthusiastically, the extension of the forum and continuation of it as far as the Hall of Liberty. We could not satisfy the private owners with less; but we will make it a most magnificent affair. In the Campus Martius we are going to make polling-barriers of marble for the tribal assemblies, roof them over, and surround them with a lofty colonnade a mile in circumference. And at the same time we shall join this to the Villa Publica. You will ask "What advantage shall I derive from the work?" But we need not go into that now. That is all the public news. For I don't suppose you will want to hear about the lustration which is given up in despair, or about the trials which are taking place in accordance with the Coctian law.
[18] L { between 24 October and 2 November 54 }
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
. . . So now, to give you my opinion on affairs, we have got to put up with them. You want to know how I behaved. With firmness and boldness. You will ask how Pompey took things. Quite kindly, evidently thinking he must consider my dignity until satisfaction had been paid to me. How did Gabinius come to be acquitted then? It was simply a puppet show: the behaviour of the accusers - that is to say of L. Lentulus, the younger, who is being universally accused of collusion - was incredibly infantile: Pompey exerted his influence energetically: and the jury were a rotten lot. Still 32 voted for condemnation and 38 for acquittal. Other trials are hanging over his head: he is not out of the wood yet.
2 You will say: "How then do you take it?" Quite coolly, upon my word, and I congratulate myself thereon. The State, my dear Pomponius, has lost not only its sap and blood, but even all its old colour and outward semblance. There is in fact no Republic to give one a feeling of joy and peace. "And is that what you find so comfortable?" you may ask. That is the very thing. For I remember its glory during the little while when I directed it, and the return that was paid me. It does not cost me a pang to see one man omnipotent: but those who were annoyed at my small power are bursting with indignation. There are many things which bring consolation to me without my stirring from my original position; and I am returning to the life which suits my nature best, to literature and my studies. For the labour of pleading I console myself by my delight in oratory. I find pleasure in my town house and my country houses. I think not of the height from which I have fallen, but of the depths from which I have risen. If I have but my brother and you with me, they may go hang for all I care: I can study philosophy with you. That part of my soul which used to harbour wrath has lost its power of feeling. Now only my private and personal affairs interest me. You will find me in a wonderfully peaceful state of mind, and upon my word your return is a great factor in my peace: for there is no one in the world whose spirit so harmonises with my own.
3 But now I will tell you the other news. Things are drifting towards an interregnum: and a dictatorship is in the air. There is a great deal of talk about it, which helped Gabinius with timid jurors. All the candidates for the consulship are accused of bribery. Gabinius is with them too. P. Sulla applied for the prosecution of him, suspecting that he would be too out of pocket to bribe a jury. Torquatus applied too but did not obtain it. But they will all be acquitted, and in future no one will be condemned except for homicide. That charge is being severely dealt with and so informers are busy. M. Fulvius Nobilior has been condemned: and a number of others are not polite enough even to answer the charge.
4 Any other news? Yes. An hour after the acquittal of Gabinius another jury in indignation condemned someone called Antiochus Gabinius, a painter from Sopolis' studio, a freedman and attendant of Gabinius, under the Papian law. He at once said "So the State will not acquit me of treason as it did you." Pomptinus wants to celebrate his triumph on the 2nd of November. He is openly opposed by the praetors Cato and Servilius and the tribune Q. Mucius, who declare that no authority was ever given for a triumph: and it certainly was given in the most absurd manner. However Pomptinus will have the consul Appius on his side. Cato declares he shall never triumph as long as he lives. I fancy it will all come to nothing like most similar affairs. Appius is thinking of going to Cilicia without authority and at his own expense.
5 On the 24th of October I received a letter from my brother Quintus and from Caesar, dated from the nearest point on the coast of Britain on the 25th of September. Britain is settled, hostages taken, no booty, but a tribute imposed; and they are bringing back the army from the place. Q. Pilius was just on his way to Caesar. If you have any affection for me and your family, if any trust can be put in your word, nay, if you have any sense and want to enjoy your blessings, you ought to be on your way home and very close at hand too. Upon my word, I cannot endure your absence. And what wonder that I want you, when I miss Dionysius so much? Both I and little Marcus shall demand him from you at the proper time. The last letter I had from you was posted from Ephesus on the 9th of August.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
How I have longed for this letter! And how glad I am to hear of your arrival! You have kept your promise with marvellous exactitude and fidelity. What a charming voyage! Of that I was really very much afraid, remembering the "leather coverings" of your former crossing. But, unless I am mistaken, I shall see you earlier than you say. I fancy you think your ladies are still in Apulia. That is not the case, so there will be nothing to keep you there. You surely wont throw days away on Vestorius and have another taste of his Latin atticism after all this interval. Hurry here rather, and visit the remains of what was once our genuine Republic. I have discussed the open bribery of the people tribe by tribe before the elections, and the consequent acquittal of Gabinius. Things are tending to a dictatorship, what with the deadlock and the general lawlessness.
2 Observe my placidity and praise my contempt for the Seleucinian province, ** and my really delightful association with Caesar. That is the one plank left in this shipwreck to delight my eyes. Heavens! how he does load your and my Quintus with honours and dignities and favours! Just as though I were a commander-in-chief. The choice of any of the army winter-quarters has just been given him, as Quintus writes me. If one does not fall in love with such a man, which of the others could one fall in love with? By the bye, had I told you I am on Pompey's staff, ** and from the 13th of January shall not be in Rome? It seemed to me to square with a good many things. I need not say more. I think I will leave the rest till we meet to give you something to look forward to. My best respects to Dionysius. I have not merely kept a place for him; I have built one. In fact his coming will add a finishing stroke to the great joy I shall find in your return. The day you arrive, I must insist on you and your company staying with me.
Book 5 →
1. A nomenclator attended canvassers and others to tell them the names of persons they met.
2. This is the Oratio cum senatui gratias egit, and a few lines lower down he refers to another extant speech, the Oratio cum populo gratias egit.
3. P. Clodius' brother Appius.
4. This seems to be ironical; Favonius was far inferior in rank to the consulars.
5. After demolishing Cicero's house on the Palatine, Clodius had consecrated part of the site to the goddess Liberty.
6. The speech De domo sua ad pontifices.
7. This was demolished by Clodius, and replaced by one of his own.
8. When the tribune Serranus had blocked a decree in favour of Cicero's recall by asking for an adjournment.
9. Hortensius.
10. For curule aediles; in which Clodius was a candidate.
11. Clodius, his brother Appius, and their cousin Metellus Nepos.
12. Inter lucos, a spot between the Capitol and the Campus Martius, where Romulus founded his Asylum.
13. Atticus had married her the previous February.
14. Probably the speech 'On the consular provinces', which praised Caesar's achievements in Gaul?
15. Caesar.
16. The phrase implies that one has no choice. There is another allusion to the phrase in letter I.20.
17. Philoxenus of Cythera, a dithyrambic poet, was condemned to the quarries for criticizing the literary compositions of Dionysius of Syracuse. He was given a chance of freedom, if he altered his opinion; but preferred to return to the quarries.
18. Ferrei, according to Kayser, contains an allusion to Hesiod's Iron Age: but others take it as simply "callous."
19. Ad Fam. 5.12.
20. Cicero quotes from Homer, Od. 22.412.
21. An estate of Q. Cicero in Arpinum. He seems to have diverted a watercourse to the annoyance of his neighbours.
22. Homer, Od. 20.384.
23. From the Tyro, a lost play of Sophocles.
24. L. Domitius had been foiled in his attempt to become consul for 55 B.C. Pompey and Crassus, who were finally elected as consuls in January, after the other candidates except Domitius withdrew, had not registered as candidates at the normal time.
25. Pompey.
26. Lit. "Keep the outside course" in a chariot race.
27. By declaring unfavourable auspices..
28. Following Manutius and Tyrrell. Others however translate iactans as "extolling."
29. Ptolemy, who had lost his throne in 58 B.C., had just been restored to Egypt by Gabinius.
30. A quotation from Menander.
31. Clodius, compared with Appuleius Saturninus.
32. Compelling senators to attend meetings, if in Rome.
33. For Syria.
34. The treatise De Oratore.
35. The treatise De Republica.
36. P. Clodius' brother Gaius was governor of Asia; Pituanius was probably on his staff. No doubt these comments are sarcastic.
37. The passage to the waterfall of Terni, opened in 290 B.C.
38. Arbuscula was an actress in mimes; she is also mentioned in Horaces's satires.
39. Homer, Iliad 23.326.
40. The anti-bribery law under which Messias was tried provided that the jury should be chosen from three tribes.
41. Scaevola is a a character in the first book only of the De Oratore.
42. Hirrus was a relative and adherent of Pompey. L. Domitius had previously been a bitter opponent of Pompey.
43. Or "cancelled."
44. The treatise De Oratore.
45. The first building was an old basilica, erected in 179 B.C., which Paulus was restoring. The second was the new Basilica Aemilia, which was completed by his son twenty years later.
46. The whole of this passage is very doubtful, and the reference in Seleucianae provinciae is unknown.
47. As a legate, with nominal duties. Pompey was governing the Spanish provinces in absentia.
48. In his introduction Winstedt says: "As Mommsen pointed out, the archetype from which the existent manuscripts were copied must have had some of the leaves containing these letters [16-19] transposed. These were copied in our manuscripts in the wrong order, and were so printed in earlier editions. In the text Mommsen's order, with some recent modifications introduced by Holzapfel, has been adopted."
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