back

Cicero : Letters to Atticus

-   Book 8


These letters were sent in February and March 49 B.C.

The translation is by E.O. Winstedt (1921). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each section. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.


CONTENTS:   1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   10   11   11a   11b   11c   11d   12   12a   12b   12c   12d   13   14   15   15a   16  



  ← Book 7

[1] L   { 16 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

After I sent you my letter, I got one from Pompey. The rest of it was about what has happened in Picenum, as reported to him by Vibullius in a note, and about Domitius' levy. That you know already: but in this letter things were not so grand as in Philotimus' letter. I would have sent you Pompey's note itself, but my brother's man set out in a hurry, so I will send it to-morrow. Pompey added a P.S. in his own hand, "I think you should come to Luceria. You won't be safer anywhere else." I understood him to mean that he counts as lost the towns here and the coast. I don't wonder that a man who has given up the head should throw away the limbs. 2 I sent a reply by return, by the hands of a sure messenger, that I was not concerned about where I should be safest, and that I would come to Luceria immediately, if his or the public interest demanded it. I entreated him to hold the coast, if he wanted supplies of corn from the provinces. I saw I was writing in vain: but I wanted to put on record now my opinion about not abandoning Italy, as I had done before about holding Rome. Evidently all forces are to be collected at Luceria, and not even there as a permanent base, but as a starting point for flight, if hard pressed.

3 So you need not wonder, if I am reluctant to embark on a cause, which has no policy for peace or victory, but always a policy of disastrous and disgraceful flight. I must go to face whatever fortune bring, with so- called good men rather than seem to disagree with real good men. Yet I see Rome will soon be crammed with good men, I mean with men of wealth and fortune, crammed full, when the towns have been abandoned. I would be among them, were it not for these tiresome lictor. I should not be ashamed of the company of M'. Lepidus, L. Volcacius, Ser. Sulpicius, not one of whom is a bigger fool than L. Domitius, nor a bigger trimmer than Ap. Claudius. 4 Only Pompey weighs with me, for his past kindnesses, not for his public influence. For what influence has he in this case? When we were all afraid of Caesar, he cherished him. After he has begun to fear Caesar, he thinks all should be Caesar's enemies. Still I shall go to Luceria. Perhaps he will not be pleased to meet me, for I shall not be able to disguise my disgust at what he has done so far. If I could sleep, I would not bother you with such long letters. If you suffer from the same complaint, I shall be glad if you will pay me back in the same coin.


[2] L   { 17 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Many thanks for everything: for writing me your news, for not believing a report, which reflected on my energy, and for the expression of your opinion. I sent Caesar one letter from Capua in answer to his inquiries about his gladiators. It was short but friendly, and, so far from abusing Pompey, praised him highly. I had to do that, as I was an advocate of peace between them. If Caesar has passed on my letter, good: I should like him to placard it in public. I have sent him another letter on the date on which I dispatch this to you. I could not help doing so when he and Balbus wrote to me. I send you a copy of the letter. I don't think you can find any fault. If you can find any, tell me how I can escape criticism. 2 You will say I should have sent no letter at all. What better plan to escape malicious tongues? However I will do so as long as I can.

Your exhortations to remember my deeds and words and even writings are friendly and very pleasant; but you seem to have a different idea to mine as to honour and propriety in this business. To my mind, no statesman or general has ever been guilty of conduct so disgraceful as Pompey's. I am sorry for him. He left Rome, his country, for which and in which it were glorious to die. 3 You don't seem to me to realise what a disaster that is. You yourself are still in your own house; but you cannot stay there any longer without the consent of villains and traitors. It is the depth of misery and shame. We wander in want with wives and children. Our sole hope lies in the life of one man, who falls dangerously sick every year. We are not driven, but summoned to leave our country. And our country which we have left will not be kept in safety against our return, but abandoned to fire and plunder. So many Pompeians are with us, not in their suburban villas, not in Rome, and, if some are still in Rome, they will soon go.

Meantime I shall not stay at Capua, but at Luceria, and of course I shall abandon the coast at once. I shall wait for the move of Afranius and Petreius: for Labienus is a man of little standing. You may say that I am too. I say nothing of myself: I leave that to others. Who has standing here? All you good men stay at home, and will continue to stay there. Who failed me in the old days? Who supports me now in this war, as I must call it. 4 So far Vibullius' achievements have been fine. You will see that from Pompey's letter. Take note of the passage marked. ** You will see Vibullius' own opinion of Pompey. My point is that I can gladly die for Pompey's sake - there is no one I hold dearer; but not in that way. In him I see no hope for the safety of the state. You express a view different from your usual view, that I must even leave Italy, if he does. That course seems to me of no advantage to the state or to my children, and, moreover, neither right nor honourable. But why do you say, "Will you be able to see a tyrant"? As if it mattered whether I hear of him or see him, or as if I wanted a better example than Socrates, who never set foot out of gate during the reign of the Thirty tyrants. Besides I have a special reason for staying. I wish I could talk it over with you.

After writing this letter on the 17th, by the same lamp as that in which I burned yours, I set out from Formiae to go to Pompey, and I may be of use, if the talk is of peace: but, if of war, of what use shall I be?


[3] L   { 18 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Upset by this grave and most calamitous crisis, though I have no opportunity of consulting you personally, still I wish to enjoy your advice. The whole question under debate is this. What do you think I should do, if Pompey leaves Italy, as I expect he will? To help you to a decision, I will briefly recount what occurs to me on both sides of the question.

2 Not only Pompey's great services in bringing about my restoration and his intimacy with me, but the public welfare, leads me to think that my policy and his or, if you will, my fortunes and his should be one. And another thing, if I remain in Italy and desert the company of excellent and distinguished citizens, I must fall into the power of one man, and, though he gives me many tokens of regard (and you know well I took good care that it should be so with this crisis in view), yet he still leaves me a twofold problem; how much trust can be put in his promises, and, if I am positive of his good will, is it proper for a man of courage and loyalty to remain in Rome and lose his position for the future where he has enjoyed the highest distinctions and commands, performed deeds of importance, been invested with the highest seat in the sacred college, and to suffer risks and perhaps some shame, if ever Pompey restore the constitution? 3 So much for the arguments on one side.

Now look at those on the other. There is not an atom of prudence or courage in Pompey's policy - and besides nothing that is not clean contrary to my counsel and advice. I pass over the old grievance, how Caesar was Pompey's man: Pompey raised him to place and military power, assisted him in passing laws by force and despite bad omens, granted him Further Gaul in addition to his province; Pompey married his daughter, Pompey was augur at the adoption of Clodius; Pompey was more active in effecting my restoration than in preventing my banishment; Pompey prolonged the tenure of Caesar's provincial government; Pompey championed his cause in absence; and again in his third consulship, when he began to be the defender of the constitution, struggled to get the ten tribunes to propose a bill admitting Caesar's candidature in absence; ratified that privilege by a law of his own; and opposed M. Marcellus the consul, when Marcellus would have concluded Caesar's government of the provinces of Gaul on the 1st of March. Putting all this on one side, is not this departure or rather this disgraceful and iniquitous flight from Rome a most shameful sign of panic? Any compromise ought to have been accepted in preference to abandoning our country. I admit the terms were bad, but could anything be worse than this? 4 If you say he will restore the constitution, I ask you when and what preparation has been made to that end? We have lost Picenum: the road lies open to Rome: the funds of the state and of individuals have been delivered to our enemy. Finally we have no policy, no forces, no rendezvous for patriots; Apulia has been chosen, the least populous district in Italy and the most removed from the brunt of this war, and clearly chosen in despair for the opportunity of flight which the sea affords.

With reluctance I took charge of Capua, not that I would shirk the duty, but with the reluctance which one would have in a cause in which neither ranks nor individuals had expressed any feeling, though there was some feeling amongst the good men, sluggish as usual. Besides, as I felt, the crowd and the dregs of the populace were inclined to the other side, and many were merely desirous of revolution. 5 I told Pompey himself that I could undertake nothing without a garrison and without funds. So I have had nothing at all to do, since I saw from the first, that his only object was flight. If I would share his flight, whither am I to go? With him I cannot go; for, when I set out, I learned that Caesar was so posted that I could not reach Luceria with safety. I should have to go by the Lower Sea ** in the depth of winter and with no certain destination. Moreover am I to take my brother, or leave him and take my son? But how? Either course would cause me the greatest trouble and the greatest grief: and how he will wreak his rage on me and my property in my absence! More vindictively perhaps than in the case of others, because he will think that vengeance on me will please the people. Consider too my fetters, I mean my laurelled fasces. How awkward it will be to take them out of Italy! Suppose I enjoy a calm passage, what place will be safe for me till I join Pompey? I have no idea of how or where to go.

6 But, if I stand my ground and find a place on Caesar's side, I shall follow the example of L. Philippus under the tyranny of Cinna, of L. Flaccus and of Q. Mucius. ** Though it ended unfortunately in the case of Q. Mucius, yet he was wont to say he foresaw the issue, but preferred it to taking arms against his country. Thrasybulus took the other and perhaps happier course. But Mucius' decision and views were quite definite, and so were those of Philippus; that one might do some time-serving, when it was necessary, but when one's time came, one should not miss it. But, in that event, still my fasces are a nuisance. I do not know if Caesar will be friendly; but suppose he is, he will offer me a triumph. To refuse would damage my chances with Caesar, to accept would annoy the good men. It is a hard and insoluble question; and yet solve it I must. What else can I do? I have said most in favour of staying in Italy: but do not infer that I have any particular inclination towards so doing: it may be, as often happens, that there are more words on one side and more worth on the other. Then please give me your advice, counting me open-minded on the important question. There is a boat ready for me at Caieta and at Brundisium.

7 But, here are messengers arriving as I write this letter at night in Cales; and here is a letter saying that Caesar has reached Corfinium and that Domitius is there with a strong force anxious to fight. I do not think that Pompey will go so far as to abandon Domitius, though he sent Scipio ahead to Brundisium with two squadrons, and has informed the consuls that he wants one of them to take the legion raised for Faustus into Sicily. But it were base to desert Domitius, when he entreats for help. There is some hope, small enough to my mind, but favoured in this district, that Afranius has fought with Trebonius in the Pyrenees and driven him back, and that your friend Fabius too has gone over to Pompey with his squadrons: and high hope, that Afranius is marching hither with large forces. If that is true, we may stay in Italy. But since no one knows Caesar's route, as he was supposed to be going towards Capua or Luceria, I am sending Lepta to Pompey with a letter. Myself I return to Formiae for fear I should stumble on anyone.

I wanted you to know the news, and I write with more composure than I stated above. I advance no views of my own, but ask for yours.


[4] L   { 22 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I count Dionysius your man rather than mine: for, though I was well acquainted with his character, I held to your opinion of him rather than to my own. The fellow has paid no respect even to your frequent certificates of character, but has become arrogant in what he takes for a fall in my fortune, though so far as human wit can avail, I will steer my course onward with some skill. I never failed Dionysius in respect or service, or in a good word for the despicable cad. Nay, I preferred to have my opinion criticised by Quintus and people in general rather than omit to praise the fellow; and, sooner than seek another master for my boys, I took pains to give them private lessons myself. By the immortal gods, what a letter I sent him: how full of respect and affection! You would think that I was sending for Dicaearchus or Aristoxenus and not for an arch-chatterbox useless as a teacher. 2 He has a good memory: he shall have reason to say that mine is better. He answered the letter in a tone I have never used even when I wished to decline a case. I always say, "if possible," "if no previous engagement hinders me." I have never given so curt a refusal as his curt unqualified "no" to any client however humble, however mean, however guilty, however much a stranger. It is the height of ingratitude, and ingratitude includes all sins. But enough and more than enough of this.

3 I have a boat ready. Still I wait for a letter from you, that I may know your answer to my problem. You know that at Sulmo C. Atius Paelignus opened the gates to Antonius, though he had five squadrons, that Q. Lucretius has escaped from the place, and that Pompey has gone to Brundisium, deserting Domitius. We are done for.


[5] L   { 23? February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

After I sent you a letter before daybreak on the 22nd about Dionysius, on the evening of the same day came Dionysius himself. I cannot but think that it was by your influence, though he is wont to repent of his fits of temper, and this is the maddest business he has had a hand in. I did not tell you before, but I heard later, that, when he had got three miles from Rome, he took fright,
  "When he had vainly butted with his horns
  The vacant air." **

I mean he cursed roundly. May his curses fall on his own head, as the saying goes. But look at my good nature. I enclosed in your packet a strong letter for him. I should be glad to have it returned; and only for that reason have I sent my footman Pollux to Rome. So I write to you that, if it has come into your hands, you may return it and not let it fall into his possession.

2 I would write any fresh news, if there were any. I am a-tiptoe with anxiety as to the business at Corfinium, which will decide the fate of the constitution. Please send the packet addressed to M'. Curius, and please recommend Tiro to Curius, and ask him to supply his wants.


[6] L   { 21? February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

After I had sealed that letter to you, which I wanted to dispatch last night (I wrote it in the evening and did dispatch it), C. Sosius the praetor came to Formiae to visit my neighbour, M'. Lepidus, whose quaestor he was. He brought a copy of Pompey's letter to the consuls: 2 "I have received a dispatch from L. Domitius, dated the 17th of February. I enclose a copy. Now without a word from me, I know you realise of your own accord how important it is for the State that all our forces should concentrate at one spot at the earliest possible date. If you agree, endeavour to reach me at once, leaving Capua such garrison as you may consider necessary."

3 Then appended is a copy of Domitius' letter which I sent you yesterday. By the immortal gods, how terrified I was and how distracted I am as to the future! I hope his nickname the Great will inspire great panic on his arrival. I hope too, since nothing has stood in our way at present [except his negligence, he is not neglecting a point which ought to be carried out vigorously]. **

4 I have just heard that you have lost your fever. Upon my life I could not be better pleased, if I had recovered myself. Tell Pilia that such a perfect helpmate should not be sick longer than her husband. I hear that Tiro has recovered from his second attack: but I see he has been raising money from strangers. I had commissioned Curius to supply him with funds. I hope it is Tiro's diffidence and not Curius' meanness that is to blame.


[7] L   { 23? February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

The one act needed to crown Pompey's disgrace is the desertion of Domitius. I don't agree with the universal opinion that he is sure to help him. "Will he desert so distinguished a citizen as Domitius and those with him, even though he has thirty cohorts at his command?" Unless I am greatly mistaken he will desert him. He is incredibly alarmed, and has no thought but flight; and you want me to go with him; for I see what you think. 2 Yes, I have a foe to flee from, but no friend to follow. As for your praise of that remark of mine, ** which you quote and call so memorable, that I would rather be conquered with Pompey than conquer with Caesar, well, I would: but it must be with Pompey my old hero or ideal. As to the Pompey of to-day, who flees before he knows from whom he is running or where to run; who has betrayed us, abandoned his country and deserted Italy, - well, if I wanted to be conquered with him, I have got my wish; I am conquered. For the rest I cannot bear to look at Caesar's doings. I never expected to see them, nor the man himself who robs me not only of my friends, but of myself.

3 I have written to Philotimus about money for the journey - either from the mint, ** for none of my debtors will pay up, or from your associates the bankers. I will give you all other requisite instructions.


[8] L   { 24 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

What disgrace, and therefore what misery! For I feel disgrace to be the crown of misery, or indeed the only real misery. Pompey treated Caesar as his protégé, began suddenly to fear him, declined terms of peace, made no preparation for war, quitted Rome, lost Picenum by his own fault, got himself blocked in Apulia, went off to Greece without a word, leaving us in ignorance of a plan so important and unusual. 2 Then all of a sudden Domitius' letter to Pompey and Pompey's letter to the consuls. It seemed to me that the Right ** had flashed upon his gaze, and that he, the old heroic Pompey, cried:
  "What subtle craft they will let them devise,
  And work their wiliest in my despite.
  The right is on my side." **

However Pompey bids a long farewell to honour and away for Brundisium. They say that Domitius and those with him surrendered on receipt of the news. What a doleful business! Grief prevents me writing more. I await a letter from you.


[9] L   { 25 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I am not upset at the circulation of my letter, indeed I myself let many people take a copy. Considering what has happened and is likely to happen, I want my views on peace published. And when I exhorted Caesar of all men to seek peace, I had no readier argument than to say, that peace became a man of his wisdom. If I spoke of his "admirable" wisdom, seeing that I was urging him on to the salvation of our country, I was not afraid of appearing to flatter him: in such a cause I would gladly have cast myself at his feet. When I use the phrase "spare time," that does not mean for the consideration of peace, but for the consideration of myself and my obligations. As to my statement that I have taken no part in the war, though the facts are evidence, I wrote it to give greater weight to my advice and it was for the same reason that I expressed approbation of his case.

2 But this is idle talk now: I only wish it had done some good. Why, I should not object to the recital of my letter at a public meeting, when Pompey himself, writing to Caesar, exhibited for public perusal a letter containing the words "On account of your splendid achievements," (are they more splendid than Pompey's own, or those of Africanus? Circumstances made him say so.) and when two men like you and S. Peducaeus are going to meet him at the fifth milestone, - and at this moment to what course does he pledge himself, what is he doing, what is he going to do? Surely his belief in his rights will grow more vehement, when he sees you and men like you not only in crowds, but with joy upon your faces. "What harm in that," you ask? Not a bit, as far as you are concerned: but still the outward signs of the distinction between genuine feeling and pretence are all upset. I foresee some strange decrees of the Senate. But my letter has been more frank than I intended.

3 I hope to be at Arpinum on the 28th, and then to visit my country estates, I fear for the last time. Your policy, gentlemanly, but not without a touch of caution suited to the times, has my sincere approval. Lepidus, who has the pleasure of my company almost every day, never liked the plan of quitting Italy: Tullus detested it: for letters from him often reach me from other hands. However their views influence me little: they have given fewer pledges to the state than I: but I am strongly swayed by the weight of your opinion, which proposes a plan for betterment in the future and security in the present. Is there a more wretched spectacle than that of Caesar earning praise in the most disgusting cause, and of Pompey earning blame in the most excellent: of Caesar being regarded as the saviour of his enemies, and Pompey as a traitor to his friends? Assuredly though I love Pompey, from inclination and duty, still I cannot praise his failure to succour such men. If it was fear, it was most cowardly; if, as some think, he imagined that their massacre would assist his cause, it was most iniquitous. But let us pass over this, for remembrance adds to my sorrow.

4 On the evening of the 24th, Balbus the younger came to me, hurrying on a secret errand to the consul Lentulus from Caesar with a letter, a commission, and the promise of a province on condition of his returning to Rome. I don't think that he can be talked over without a personal interview. Balbus said that Caesar was most anxious to meet Pompey (I believe it), and to get on good terms with him. This I do not believe and I fear all his kindness is only a preparation for cruelty like Cinna's. Balbus the elder writes to me that Caesar wants nothing better than to live in safety under Pompey. I expect you will believe that. But while I write this letter on the 25th of February, Pompey may have reached Brundisium. He set out without baggage, and before his legions, on the 19th from Luceria. But that bogeyman ** has terrible wariness, speed and energy. The future is a riddle to me.


[10] L   { 26 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I spoke to Dionysius in the frankest way, when contrary to my expectations he arrived. I told him how matters stood; asked him his intentions, and said that I would not press him against his will. He replied that he did not know where such money as he owned was: that some creditors did not pay, that other debts were not yet due. He said something about his wretched slaves that would prevent his staying with me. I acquiesced, sorry to lose a master for my boys; but glad to be rid of an ungrateful fellow. I wanted you to know what happened and my opinion of his conduct.


[11] L   { 27 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

As you suppose, I am in great anxiety of mind: but it is not so great as you may imagine. I am rid of care, as soon as resolve is fixed or thought proves futile. Still I may lament my lot as I do all day long. But I fear, since lamentation is idle, I disgrace my philosophy and my works. So I spend my time considering the character of the ideal statesman, who is sketched clearly enough, you seem to think, in my books on the Republic. You remember then the standard by which our ideal governor was to weigh his acts. Here are Scipio's words, in the 5th book, I think it is: "As a safe voyage is the aim of the pilot, health of the physician, victory of the general, so the ideal statesman will aim at happiness for the citizens of the state to give them material security, copious wealth, wide-reaching distinction and untarnished honour. This, the greatest and finest of human achievements, I want him to perform." 2 Pompey never had this notion and least of all in the present cause. Absolute power is what he and Caesar have sought; their aim has not been to secure the happiness and honour of the community. Pompey has not abandoned Rome, because it was impossible to defend, nor Italy on forced compulsion; but it was his idea from the first to plunge the world into war, to stir up barbarous princes, to bring savage tribes into Italy under arms, and to gather a huge army. A sort of Sulla's reign has long been his object, and is the desire of many of his companions. Or do you think that no agreement, no compromise between him and Caesar was possible? Why, it is possible to-day: but neither of them looks to our happiness. Both want to be kings.

3 At your request I have given an outline of my views; for you wanted an expression of my opinion on these troubles. So I play the prophet, my dear Atticus, not at random like Cassandra whom no one believed, but with imaginative insight. "Now on the great sea" ** my prophecy runs like the old tag: such an Iliad of woe hangs over us. The case of us, who stay at home, is worse than that of those who have gone with Pompey, for they have only one to fear, while we have both. 4 You ask then, why I stay. Well, in compliance with your request, or because I could not meet Pompey on his departure, or because it was the more honourable course. I say you will see poor Italy trodden down next summer or in the hands of their slaves drawn from every quarter of the globe. It will not be a proscription (in spite of the talk and threats we hear of at Luceria) which we shall have to dread, but general destruction. So huge are the forces that will join in the struggle. That is my prophecy. Perhaps you looked for consolation. I see none: we have reached the limit of misery, ruin and disgrace.

5 You inquire what Caesar said in his letter. The usual thing, that my inaction pleases him, and he begs me to maintain it. Balbus the younger brought the same message by word of mouth. Balbus was travelling to Lentulus the consul with letters from Caesar, and promises of reward, if he would go back to Rome. Reckoning the days, however, I fancy Lepidus will cross the sea, before Balbus can meet him.

6 I send copies of Pompey's two dispatches to me. Please note his careless style and my careful answer.

7 I am waiting to see the result of this dash of Caesar's on Brundisium through Apulia. I should like a repetition of the Parthian incident. ** As soon as I get any news, I will write. Please send me the talk of the good men who are said to be numerous at Rome. I know you do not go out, but talk must reach your ears. I remember a book being given to you by Demetrius of Magnesia. It was dedicated to you, and bore the title On Concord. I should be glad if you would let me have it. You see the part I am studying.


[11a] L   { 10 February 49 }

GREETINGS FROM CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO CICERO THE IMPERATOR.

Q. Fabius came to me on the 10th of February. He announces that L. Domitius with his twelve cohort and fourteen cohorts brought by Vibullius is on the march towards me; that he intended to leave Corfinium on the 9th of February and that C. Hirrus with five cohorts follows behind. I think you should come to me at Luceria, for here I imagine will be your safest refuge.


[11b] L   { 16 February 49 }

M. CICERO IMPERATOR, GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL.

On the 15th of February I got your letter at Formiae. I gather that matters in Picenum were much more satisfactory than I had heard, and am glad to learn of the bravery and energy of Vibullius.

So far I have stayed on this coast where I was given the command, but I have kept a boat ready. For the news and my fears were such that I felt I must follow any plan you should make. But now your influence and your policy have encouraged me, I will stay in the coast districts and Tarracina, if you think that the district can be held. The towns, however, are without garrison, for there is no member of the Senate in the district except M. Eppius, a man of foresight and energy, whom I desired to stay at Minturnae. The gallant and influential L. Torquatus is not at Formiae, but I fancy has set out to join you.

2 In entire accord with your latest instructions, I went to Capua on the very day you left Teanum Sidicinum. For you had desired me to take part with M. Considius the propraetor in looking after things there. On arrival I found that T. Ampius was holding a levy with the greatest energy, and that the troops raised were being taken over by Libo, a local man of energy and influence. I stayed at Capua as long as the consuls. Once again in accordance with instructions from the consuls I went to Capua for the 5th of February. After a stay of three days I returned to Formiae.

3 At the present moment I do not know what are your ideas and plan of campaign. If you think that this coast should be held - and Capua has a good position and is an important town, not to speak of its loyal inhabitants, and to my mind tenable - a commander is wanted. If your plan is concentration, I will come to you at once without hesitation. Nothing would delight me more, and I told you so on the day of our departure from Rome. I do not trouble about criticisms of inactivity from anyone but yourself. If, as I foresee, war is inevitable, I feel I can easily satisfy every criticism. I have sent my relative M. Tullius in case you may wish to send a reply.


[11c] L   { 20 February 49 }

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETINGS TO CICERO IMPERATOR.

I hope you are well. I was glad to read your letter, for once again I recognised your tried courage in the interests of public safety. The consuls have joined my army in Apulia. I beg you earnestly in the name of your exceptional and continued zeal for the state to join me as well, so that we may plan together to benefit and assist the state in her sore straits. I hold that you should travel by the Appian road and come with speed to Brundisium.


[11d] L   { 27 February 49 }

M. CICERO IMPERATOR SENDS GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS, PROCONSUL.

When I sent you the letter which was delivered to you at Canusium, I had no idea that the state's welfare would drive you to flight across the seas, and I had great hopes that it might be in Italy we should either conclude peace (the wisest course to my mind) or fight for the state with honour untarnished. My letter cannot have reached you yet, but from the message which you entrusted to D. Laelius for the consuls I learnt of your plans. I did not wait for a reply to my letter, but forthwith set out along with my brother Quintus and the children to join you in Apulia. 2 On arrival at Teanum Sidicinum I was told by your friend C. Messius, and many other people, that Caesar was on his way to Capua, and would bivouac that very day at Aesernia. I was really startled, as it occurred to me, that, if that was so, my road was closed, and I myself was quite captured. So I went to Cales, choosing that particular place to stay at, till I should get certain news from Aesernia as to the rumour I had heard.

3 At Cales I received a copy of your letter to Lentulus the consul. Its purport was that you had got a letter (of which you subjoined a copy) from L. Domitius on the 17th of February, and you considered it of the greatest public importance to concentrate your forces on the earliest possible occasion, and that a sufficient garrison should be left at Capua. On the perusal of this dispatch I agreed with others in supposing that you would come in full force to Corfinium. As Caesar was encamped against the town, I considered the road thither was not safe for me.

Anxiously awaiting news, I heard two reports at the same time: news of the affair of Corfinium, and that you were coming to Brundisium. Although neither I nor my brother had any hesitation about starting for Brundisium, many travellers from Samnium and Apulia warned us to beware of capture, because Caesar had set out for the same destination, and was likely to reach there quicker than ourselves. Under those circumstances, I, my brother and our friends were reluctant to allow any rashness of ours to damage the state as well as ourselves. Moreover, we were sure that, even if our path were clear, we could not overtake you.

4 Meanwhile I got a letter from you dated at Canusium, of the 20th of February, in which you urged me to hasten to Brundisium. Receiving this on the 27th, I felt confident you must have arrived at Brundisium, and I saw that our road was quite cut off and we were as completely captured as the people at Corfinium, for I do not only consider captured those who fall into the hands of armed bands, but equally those who, being shut off from a district, find themselves hedged between a garrison and an enemy in the field.

5 This being so, my first and chiefest wish is that I had stayed with you all the time. I showed you as much when I gave up command at Capua. I did so, not to shirk my duty, but because I saw that the city could not be held without troops, and I was reluctant to suffer the fate which I am sorry to hear has befallen some very brave men. Since, however, I have not had the fortune to be with you, would that I were acquainted with your plans, for I cannot imagine them, having hitherto thought that the last thing to happen would be that the national cause would not hold its own in Italy under your leadership. I do not criticise your plan, but I bewail the misfortunes of the state. If I cannot guess your policy, I still suppose that you have done nothing without cogent reasons.

6 I think you remember that my vote has always been for peace, even on poor terms, and secondly for holding the city. As to Italy you gave me no inkling. I do not claim that my policy should have prevailed. I followed yours, not indeed for the sake of the state, of which I despaired and which even now lies in ruin and cannot be restored without a most calamitous civil war, but I wanted you, I longed to be with you, nor will I omit any opportunity that may occur of attaining my wish.

7 In the whole of this crisis I was well aware that my policy of peace did not please the advocates of war. In the first place I professed to prefer peace above all things, not because I had not the same fears as they had, but because I counted those fears of less moment than intestine war. Then indeed, after war had begun, when I saw terms of peace offered to you, and met by you in an honourable and generous way, I began to consider what my own interests were. That line of conduct I suppose your kindness will easily excuse. I remembered that I was the one man of all others who had suffered most cruel misery and punishment for the greatest services to the state; that I was the one man who, if I had offended Caesar (Caesar to whom was offered even on the eve of battle a second consulship and a princely triumph), would be subjected to the same struggle as before; for a personal attack on me seems to be always popular with dishonourable men. This idea only came to me after open threats. It was not persecution I feared, if it were inevitable, but I thought I should seek any escape that honour could allow. 8 There is an outline of my policy while there was hope of peace; its fulfilment was cut short by circumstances. I have an easy reply to my critics. I have never been more friendly to Caesar than they, and they are not more friendly to the state than I. The difference between them and me is this: they are good citizens, and I too deserve the title, but I wanted settlement on terms which I understood you also desired, and they wanted settlement by arms. Since their policy has won, I will do my best that the state may not find me fail in the duties of a citizen, nor you in the duties of a friend.


[12] L   { 28 February 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I am even more troubled by inflammation of the eyes than I was before. Still I prefer to dictate this letter, rather than let Gallus Fadius, who has a sincere regard for us both, have no letter to give you. Yesterday I wrote myself to the best of my ability a letter containing prognostications, which I hope may prove false. One excuse for the present missive is my desire to let no day pass without communicating with you, but there is a still more reasonable excuse, to beg you to devote a little time to my case, and, as it will be a short business, I hope you will explain your view thoroughly and make it quite intelligible to me.

2 I have not committed myself at all. There has been no omission on my part for which I cannot give not merely a plausible but a reasonable excuse. Assuredly I was not guilty of any fault, when, to avoid blame for cowardice and the charge of treachery to boot, I refused to take over Capua in its unprepared state. Nor am I to blame, when, after L. Caesar and L. Fabatus had brought terms of peace, I took precautions not to incur the enmity of a man to whom Pompey was offering the consulship and a triumph, when both were under arms. 3 Finally I cannot rightly be called to account for not crossing the sea: for, though that was a course which was worthy of consideration, still I could not keep Pompey's appointment. Nor could I guess his policy, especially as from his own letter, as I see you inferred, I had no idea that he would fail to relieve Domitius. And certainly I wanted time to consider what was right and what I ought to do.

4 Firstly, then, I wish you would write me a careful account of your views, though you have already outlined them, and secondly that you would glance at the future, and give me an idea of what course you think would become me, where you suppose I can serve the state best, and whether the part of a man of peace is required at all, or whether everything depends on a fighter.

5 And I, who test everything by the standard of duty, yet remember your advice. Had I followed it, I should have been saved from the wretchedness of that crisis in my life. I call to mind the counsel you sent me then ** by Theophanes and Culleo, and the memory of it often makes me groan. So let me now at last go over the old reckoning which then I cast aside, to the end that I may follow a plan, which has in view not only glory, but also some measure of safety. However, I make no conditions: please give me your candid opinion. 6 And please use your best energies to inquire (for you have suitable agents) what our friend Lentulus and what Domitius is doing, what they intend to do, what is their present attitude, whether they blame or are annoyed with anyone - why do I say anyone? - I mean Pompey. Pompey does not hesitate to put the whole blame on Domitius, as can be inferred from his letter, of which I send you a copy. So please consider these points, and, as I wrote you before, kindly send me that volume On Concord, by Demetrius of Magnesia, which he sent to you.


[12a] L   { 17 or 18 February 49 }

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO THE CONSULS C. MARCELLUS AND L. LENTULUS.

As I considered that with divided forces we could be of no service to the state and no protection to one another, I sent a dispatch to L. Domitius to come to me at once with all his forces, and that, if he was dubious about himself, he should send me the nineteen cohorts, which as a matter of fact were on the march to me from Picenum. My fears have been realised. Domitius has been trapped and is not strong enough himself to pitch a camp, because he has my nineteen and his own twelve cohorts scattered in three towns (for some he has stationed at Alba and some at Sulmo), and he is unable to free himself even if he wished.

2 I must inform you that this has caused me the greatest anxiety. I am anxious to free men so numerous and of such importance from the danger of a siege, and I cannot go to their assistance, because I do not think that I can trust these two legions to march to that place: moreover I have not been able to bring together more than fourteen cohorts of them, because two were sent to Brundisium, and Canusium to my mind could not be left without a garrison in my absence.

3 Hoping to collect larger forces I instructed D. Laelius, that with your approval one of you should come to me, and the other set out for Sicily with the force you have collected at Capua and in the neighbourhood, and with Faustus' recruits; that Domitius with his twelve cohorts should join up, and all the other troops should concentrate at Brundisium, and from thence be taken by sea to Dyrrachium. Now, since at the present time I am no more able than yourselves to go to Domitius' assistance [and it remains for him] ** to extricate himself by the mountain route, I must take steps that the enemy may not meet my fourteen doubtful cohorts or overtake me on the march.

4 Accordingly - and I see M. Marcellus and other senators who are here approve - I am resolved to lead my present forces to Brundisium. You I urge to concentrate all the forces you can and to come with them to Brundisium at the first opportunity. I consider that the arms which you meant to send to me should be used to arm your troops. If you will have the remaining arms carted to Brundisium, you will have done the state great service. Please give these instructions to my supporters. I am sending word to the praetors, P. Lupus and C. Coponius, to join you with whatever soldiery they have.


[12b] L   { 11 or 12 February 49 }

GREETINGS FROM CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

I am greatly astonished that you send me no letters, and that I am kept informed of the political situation by others rather than yourself.

With divided forces we cannot hope to cope with the enemy: united, I trust we may do something for the safety of our country. Wherefore, as you had arranged, according to Vibullius' letter, to start with your army from Corfinium on the 9th of February and to come to me, I wonder what reason there has been for your change of plan. The reason mentioned by Vibullius is trivial, namely that you were delayed on hearing that Caesar had left Firmum and arrived at Castrum Truentinum. For the nearer our enemy begins to approach, the quicker you ought to have joined forces with me, before Caesar could obstruct your march or cut me off from you.

2 Therefore again and again I entreat and exhort you - as I did in my previous letter - to come to Luceria on the first possible day, before the forces which Caesar has begun to collect can concentrate and divide us. But, if people try to keep you back to protect their country seats, I must ask you to dispatch to me the cohorts, which have come from Picenum and Camerinum abandoning their own interests.


[12c] L   { 16 February 49 }

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

M. Calenius has brought me a letter from you dated the 16th of February, in which you express the intention of watching Caesar and hurrying to join me in Samnium, if he shall begin to march against me along the coast: but, if he linger in your neighbourhood, you say you wish to oppose his nearer advance.

To my mind your policy is ambitious and brave, but we must take great care that, if divided, we may not be outmatched by the enemy, since Caesar has numerous troops and in a short time will have more. A man of your judgement ought to bear in mind not only the size of Caesar's present array against you but the number of infantry and cavalry that he will soon collect. Evidence of that contingency is in the letter which Bussenius dispatched to me, and it agrees with the missives from others in stating that Curio is concentrating the garrisons which were in Umbria and Etruria and marching to join Caesar. With these forces combined, though one division may be sent to Alba, and another advance on you, and though Caesar may refrain from the offensive and be content to defend his position, still you will be in a fix, nor will you be able with your following to make sufficient head against such numbers to allow of your sending out foraging parties.

2 Therefore I beg you earnestly to come here on the first opportunity with all your forces. The consuls have decided to do the same. I have instructed M. Tuscilius to tell you that we must beware lest the two legions without the cohorts from Picenum come within sight of Caesar. Accordingly do not be disturbed if you hear of my retreat in the face of Caesar's possible advance, for I consider that I must take every step to avoid being trapped. The season of the year and the spirit of my troops prevents me from making a camp; nor is it wise to collect the garrisons from all the towns, lest room for retreat be lost. So I have not mustered more than fourteen cohorts at Luceria. 3 The consuls will bring in all their garrisons to me or start for Sicily. We must either have an army strong enough to allow of our breaking through the enemy's lines, or get and hold localities we can defend. At the present moment we have neither of those advantages: a large part of Italy is held by Caesar, and our army is neither so well equipped nor so large as his. We must therefore take care to look to the main issue. Again and again I beg you to come to me as soon as possible with all your forces. Even now the constitution may be restored, if we take common counsel in our action. Division means weakness: of that I am positive.

4 After I had written my letter Sicca brought me a dispatch and message from you. I fear I cannot comply with your request for assistance, because I do not put much trust in these legions.


[12d] L   { 17 February 49 }

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS SALUTATION TO DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

A dispatch from you reached me on the 17th of February saying that Caesar had pitched his camp in the neighbourhood of Corfinium. What I expected and foretold has happened: he refuses to meet you in the field at present, and he is hemming you in with all his forces concentrated, so that the road may not be clear for you to join me and unite your loyal contingent with my legions whose allegiance is questionable. Consequently I am all the more upset by your dispatch: for I cannot place sufficient confidence in the loyalty of my men to risk a decisive engagement, nor have the levies recruited for the consuls come here.

2 So do your best, if any tactics can extricate you even now, to join me as soon as possible before our enemy can concentrate all his forces. The levies cannot reach here at an early date, and, even if they were concentrated, you must see how little trust can be put in troops, which do not even know one another by sight, when facing a veteran army.


[13] L   { 1 March 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Let my secretary's handwriting be proof that I am suffering from inflammation of the eyes, and that is my reason for brevity, though now to be sure I have no news. I depend entirely on news from Brundisium. If Caesar has come up with our friend Pompey, there is some slight hope of peace: but, if Pompey has crossed the sea, we must look for war and massacre. Do you see the kind of man into whose hands the state has fallen? What foresight, what energy, what readiness! Upon my word, if he refrain from murder and rapine, he will be the darling of those who dreaded him most. 2 The people of the country towns and the farmers talk to me a great deal. They care for nothing at all but their lands, their little homesteads and their tiny hoards. And see how public opinion has changed. They fear the man they once trusted, and adore the man they once dreaded. It pains me to think of the mistakes and wrongs of ours that are responsible for this reaction. I wrote you what I thought would be our fate, and I now await a letter from you.


[14] L   { 2 March 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

I have no doubt my daily letter must bore you, especially as I have no fresh news, nor can I find any new excuse for a letter. If I should employ special messengers to convey my chatter to you without reason, I should be a fool: but I cannot refrain from entrusting letters to folk who are bound for Rome, especially when they are members of my household. Believe me, too, when I seem to talk with you, I have some little relief from sorrow, and, when I read a letter from you, far greater relief. I am quite aware that there has been no time, since fear drove me to flight, when silence and no letters would have been more appropriate, for the good reason that there is no fresh news at Rome, nor here - two or three days' journey nearer Brundisium.

The issue of this first campaign will turn entirely on the action at Brundisium: and I am on thorns to hear the result. However, all will be known by the 7th. On the noon of the day (that is the Feralia), on the morning of which Pompey left Canusium, I see that Caesar set out from Corfinium. But Caesar marches in such a way, and so spurs his men with largess, that I fear he may reach Brundisium sooner than we want. 2 You may wonder why I forestall disagreeable tidings which will be known in three days' time. I have no reason, except, as I said before, that I love to talk to you; and at the same time I want you to know that what I had counted my fixed resolve is shaken. The precedents you quote with approval ** don't quite fit my case. They are those of men who have never distinguished themselves by great political action, and are not looked up to for any act of merit. Nor, let me tell you, have I any praise for those who have crossed the sea to make preparations for war - unbearable as things here were. For I foresee how great and calamitous that war will be. I am influenced only by one man, whom I think I ought to accompany in flight, and help in the restoration of the constitution. I may seem variable; but I talk with you as I talk with myself, and there is no one who, in such a crisis, does not view matters in many lights. Moreover, I want to get your opinion, to encourage me, if you have not changed it, or otherwise to win my assent. 3 It is particularly necessary for me to know in my dilemma what course Domitius and my friend Lentulus will take.

As for Domitius I hear many reports: at one time that he is at Tibur out of sorts, at another that he has consorted with the Lepidi in their march to Rome. That I see is untrue. For Lepidus says that he is following a hidden path, but whether to hide or reach the sea even he does not know. Lepidus has no news about his son either. He adds a provoking detail, that Domitius has failed to get back a large sum of money which he had at Corfinium. Of Lentulus I have no news. Please make inquiries on these points and inform me.


[15] L   { 3 March 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

On the 3rd of March Aegypta ** brought me your letters, one an old one dated February 26, which you say you handed to Pinarius, whom I have not seen. In that letter you were waiting to hear the result of Vibullius' advance mission. ** He did not meet Caesar at all, as I see from your second letter you are aware. You also wanted to know how I shall receive Caesar on his return. I intend to shun him altogether. And you contemplate flight on the day he comes, and a change in your life, which I agree is politic. You wrote too that you do not know if Domitius keeps his fasces. ** When you do know, please tell me. That settles the first letter.

2 There follow two more dated the 28th of February, which hurled me from my old position, when I was already tottering, as I had informed you. I am not upset by your phrase "angry with almighty Jove." ** There is danger not only in Pompey's anger, but in Caesar's, and the issue is doubtful, though to me the worst cause seems better equipped. Nor am I influenced by the consuls, who themselves are more easily moved than leaf or feather. It is consideration of my duty that tortures me and has been torturing me all along. To remain in Italy is certainly safer: to cross the sea the path of honour. Sometimes I prefer that many should accuse me of rashness, rather than the select few of dishonourable action. For your query about Lepidus and Tullus, they have decided to meet Caesar and to take their seats in the senate.

3 In your last letter, dated the 1st of March, you long for a meeting between the two leaders, and have hopes of peace. But at the time of writing I fancy they will not meet, and that, if they do, Pompey will not agree to any terms. You seem to have no doubt as to what I ought to do, if the consuls go over-seas; well they will go, or rather have now gone. But bear in mind that of their number it is practically only Appius who has not a right to cross. The rest are either invested with military power, like Pompey, Scipio, Sufenas, Fannius, Voconius, Sestius and the consuls themselves, who by old custom may visit all the provinces; or else they are legates. However I have no positive views. I know what you approve and pretty well what it is right to do. My letter would be longer, if I could write myself. I fancy I shall be able in two days' time. I have had Cornelius Balbus' letter, which I received on the same day as yours, copied, and I forward it to you, that you may sympathise with me on seeing me mocked.


[15a] L   { February 49 }

BALBUS SALUTES CICERO THE IMPERATOR.

I beg you, Cicero, to consider a plan eminently suited to your character, namely to recall Caesar and Pompey to their former state of friendship, which has been broken by the treachery of others. Believe me that Caesar will not only meet your wishes, but will esteem any endeavours of yours in this matter as a very great service. I wish Pompey would take the same view; but it is rather a dream of mine than a hope, that he can be persuaded to come to terms at this time. When he becomes settled and recovers from fright, I shall have better hopes that your influence may avail with him. 2 In desiring my friend the consul Lentulus to remain in Rome, you have gratified Caesar, and myself too, I may assure you, in the highest degree. I value Lentulus as much as Caesar. If he had allowed me to renew my old intercourse, and had not again and again avoided conversation with me, I should be less unhappy than I am. For do not think that this crisis causes anyone more torment than it causes me, when I see him, to whom I am more devoted than to myself, acting in office in a way quite unfitted for a consul. If he only takes your advice and believes our professions about Caesar, and serves the remainder of his office in Rome, then I shall begin to hope that by the advice of the Senate, on your suggestion and at his formal motion, there may be effected a reconciliation between Pompey and Caesar. In that event I shall think my life's mission accomplished.

3 I know that you will approve entirely of Caesar's action about Corfinium. Under the circumstances there could have been nothing better than a settlement without bloodshed. I am delighted that you are pleased with the arrival of my and your Balbus. ** Whatever Balbus has told you about Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to you in his letters, I am confident Caesar will convince you by his acts, be his fortune what it will, that his professions were quite sincere.


[16] L   { 4 March 49 }

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

I have made provision for everything except a secret and safe passage to the Adriatic. The other route I cannot face at this time of the year. How can I get to that place on which my mind is set, and whither fate calls? My departure must be in haste, for fear some obstacle and hindrance should arise. It is not, as one might think, Pompey who induces me to go. I have long known him to be the poorest of statesmen, and I now see he is the poorest of generals. I am not induced by him, but by the common talk of which Philotimus informs me. He says that the optimates are tearing me to tatters. Optimates, good gods! And see how they are running to meet Caesar, and selling themselves to him. The country towns are treating him as a god, and there is no pretence about it, as there was in the prayers for Pompey's recovery from illness. ** 2 Any mischief this Pisistratus may leave undone will give as much satisfaction as if he had prevented another from doing it. People hope to placate Caesar; they think that Pompey is angered. What ovations from the towns and what honour is paid him! In fright I dare say, but they are more afraid of Pompey. They are delighted with the cunning kindness of Caesar, and afraid of the anger of his rival. Those who are on the jury list of 360 judges, the especial partisans of Pompey, some of whom I see daily, shudder at vague Lucerias ** which they conjure up. So I ask what sort of optimates are these, to banish me, while they remain at home? Still whoever they are "I fear the Trojans." **

Yet I see clearly with what a prospect I set out, and I join myself with a man ready to devastate our country rather than to conquer its oppressor, and I look to serve a tyrant. And indeed on March 4, the date of this letter, I am expecting every moment some news from Brundisium. Why do I say "some news," when it is news of his disgraceful flight, and the route by which the victor is returning and the direction in which he is moving. On hearing that, I think of going to Arpinum, if Caesar comes by the Appian way.



FOOTNOTES


1.   The diplē was a marginal mark of this shape > used in MSS. to mark a special passage or in dialogue to indicate the appearance of a new speaker.

2.   i.e. the sea on the west coast of Italy as opposed to mare superum, the Adriatic.

3.   All these persons stayed in Rome during the Cinnan revolution. Mucius was put to death by the younger Marius in 82 B.C.

4.   A quotation from a Greek poet, perhaps Callimachus.

5.   The words in brackets only attempt to give the probable sense of this hopelessly corrupt passage.

6.   See letter vii.1.4.

7.   The Roman Mint was at the Temple of Juno Moneta. Apparently money could be obtained there by exchange for bullion.

8.   τὸ καλόν, as in letter vii.11.1.

9.   A fragment of Euripides parodied by Aristophanes, Acharnians, 659-661.

10.   Cicero uses a Greek word, τέρας, "monster".

11.   Ennius, Alexander.

12.   i.e. a sudden retreat. Cf. vi.6.

13.   In 59 B.C.

14.   Some words appear to be missing here.

15.   M'. Lepidus and L. Vulcatius: see letter ix.10.7.

16.   A slave of Cicero's.

17.   Vibullius was captured at Corfinium and released, but nothing is known of this mission.

18.   As proconsul. Domitius had been appointed to succeed Caesar in Transalpine Gaul.

19.   Apparently a proverb for violent anger or truculence, here applied to Pompey.

20.   See letter viii.9.4.

21.   Pompey had been dangerously ill the previous summer.

22.   Cf. viii.11, where Pompey at Luceria is said to have talked of a proscription.

23.   Homer, Iliad vi.442; one of Cicero's favourite quotations.


    Book 9 →



Attalus' home page   |   16.12.25   |   Any comments?