Amongst the Herculaneum papyri that have been unrolled, there are some summaries of the history of the Greek philosophical schools; three of them cover the Hellenistic period. They were probably all part of a larger work, with the Greek title Σύνταξις τῶν φιλοσόφων, which was written by Philodemus. Clearly one of scrolls (the history of the Academics) was a first draft - some scraps have been found of the final version. There is also a separate treatise "On the Stoics", which contains some more information about the key dates in Zenon's life, and fragments of a biography of the Epicurean philosopher Philonides, although it is not certain that this was written by Philodemus.
Because of the unusual way that the papyri have been preserved, reading the text is notoriously difficult; in many places it is too scrappy to translate, and even in the better preserved portions some words or phrases may be misrepresented here. See key to translations for an explanation of the format.
In time, we can look forward to a new, improved critical edition and translation of these texts, produced by the University of Pisa; see their Greek Schools project page.
Contents: - Stoics (summary) - Stoics (Zenon) - Academics - Epicureans - Philonides of Laodiceia
Greek Text : P.Herc. 1018 , "Index Stoicorum"
The standard edition of this text, with Italian translation, is by T. Dorandi, "Storia dei filosofi : la Stoŕ da Zenone a Panezio (PHerc. 1018)" (1994).
{ Zenon }
[1] If anyone seeks an indication of the disposition of [ Zenon's ] soul, he would not find a better indication than to survey the opinions that he held on excellent and disgraceful things, and equally on good and evil things, and to build on these opinions. For Apollodorus the Epicurean in two books . . .
[2] . . . [like] Apollodorus of Cassandreia, and he said that they were just, although they were unjust, such as Harpalus and Philetaerus, who were impious . . . Mentor towards Hermias . . .
[3] . . . with the title 'Concerning the Founder of his personal School'. He busied himself with these matters in most of the book, as we mentioned before, and separately he wrote whatever he wished, and that Zenon rarely committed himself to contact with others, because of the weakness of his body, as Persaeus writes in his 'reminiscences of Symposia' . . .
[4] . . . and not only this, [but also] they were not ashamed to mock him and to suspect that [the book] was made up by Zenon in some fashion, such as elsewhere "it is indicated with a finger". And some of his particular intimates were similar to them, according to Persaeus and Philonides. And the 'Republic' [of Zenon] . . .
[5] . . . upon hearing this, he said, "One might give . . . of one who speaks and is not worth even three . . . " "And this is indifferent," he says, "and a bag full of [air] . . . "
[6] . . . [he enjoyed] eating figs and he gladly and willingly endured exposure to the sun. For these things also were worth recording to praise him, and that they gave him a public funeral . . .
[7] . . . and much more pleasant and charming [poems] composed about dancers and impersonators of women {lysiōdai}. Yet since we have praised a learned man, let us set down next the opinion of a well-disposed man . . .
[8] ". . . for you would [turn] even those who come to his court into chattering children; and he {Antigonus} is at a loss to know where to put you, and he says he could not even make you his boiler-keeper because, as you are so bad, you could not even scold the bathing attendants." And Zenon turned to the visitors and said, "What you say . . ."
[9] . . . [Antigonus said] that he had a pleasant and agreeable rivalry [towards] him, as towards someone who was equal and similar, and that he admired and honoured him exceedingly . . .
{ pupils of Zenon }
[10] . . . eminent men, as it now appears: Cleanthes of Assos, the son of Phaenias, who succeeded him as leader of the School; Dionysius of Heracleia, as Antigonus wrote, the son of Theophantus, called the Renegade; Ariston of Chios, the son of Miltiades, who declared that indifference was the chief goal of life, but who is thought to have followed the founder of the School in other matters . . .
[11] . . . the praised book; Zenon of Sidon, named . . . by [some], as also Chrysippus calls him in his '[On the] Conclusion' . . .
[12] . . . Athenodorus of Soli; Hecataeus son of Spintharus (?) gave back. So amongst his pupils Persaeus was loved most by Zenon, and indeed he lived together with him. He also brought up . . . by some . . . a home-born slave . . . Diogenes . . .
{ Persaeus }
[13] . . . an important cause of this was also that [ Persaeus ] remained at a distance from Zenon, and he travelled around with Antigonus, choosing the life of a courtier rather than the life of a philosopher, so that men and cities . . . him . . .
[14] . . . Antigonus, when [Persaeus] stayed abroad . . . although he begged Aristophon for foregiveness . . .
[15] . . . with these he defended them and drove off the Thracians; but then more of them attacked him and surrounded him on all sides, and after receiving many wounds he . . . himself and died. But some said that he (?) sailed from the place . . .
[16] . . . for good repute, it is written by Hermippus in his book about those who moved from studying philosophy to wielding power, and the life of . . . who was a pupil of Zenon . . .
[17] . . . of the other pupils of Zenon, and of Cleanthes and of Chrysippus; and in particular it [seems right] to summarise the . . . written by Stratocles of Rhodes, the pupil of Panaetius; he says . . .
{ Cleanthes }
[18] . . . he said, "you have not brought the required money." And he proceeded to say the same on the next day, until the pupil provided the money for him to take; and then he gave the whole of it back to him, and told him to (?) carry it back to his parents. Therefore some complained that he was greedy for money, even though he was [not] wealthy . . .
[20] . . . of similar appearance. . . it was said by Zenon about such things . . . towards the earlier philosophers, and when some as a favour . . .
[21] . . . he considered for a short while beforehand, and then he offered himself to be subject to the opinion of the majority. "It is not", he said . . .
[22] . . . to allow him to continue to use the School; and that he discussed this with Arcesilaus, and said the main part of well-being for a man seemed to be one thing, to look closely at what concerned him; and that when Arcesilaus agreed, he revealed his opinion; nor did either of them show much concern about Sositheus; and he was . . .
[24] . . . and therefore he mixed with many people. And after it was reported that someone had said, "Such is Cleanthes, as it were giving little drops of libations to each person, but he never wants, or is able, to broaden his message." When he saw that this man was present, in reply to the first proposition . . .
[25] . . . that it was possible to implore him and to bring him back to his former self; and some consider that he, being austere, and . . . seriousness . . .
[26] And it happened that, a short time before his death, a tumour appeared on his lip, which the doctors thought was malignant . . . that unseemly thing . . .
[27] ". . . never to seek any thing that was unworthy of him, that was too attached to life or dishonourable." Saying this, and remaining contented, he . . .
[28] . . . not a little, he departed [from life] when Jason [was archon] { 231/0 }.
[29] . . . that Cleanthes [was born] when Aristophanes was archon { 331/0 } and remained as head of the School for thirty two years; besides, Dionysius ['the Renegade'] . . .
{ Dionysius 'Metathemenos' }
[30] . . . in the middle in a loud voice, and especially when he saw that the others were silent and hesitating. In the same way, when they did not stop and were agitated . . . razors . . . often . . .
[31] . . . To listen and change his mind. Therefore Persaeus once said to some others, when he heard that [ Dionysius. ] had been converted to pleasure, "I would have preferred rather to hear that he had been cast down from the acropolis."
[32] . . . that toil should be avoided, and that pleasure should be preferred and is the goal of life. So he was also a prolific writer, extending as far as eighty thousand lines; and many considered that he was not ineffective or incapable in his diction and. . .
[33] After taking leave of his friends and sitting in the bath-tub, he died. Concerning Ariston of Chios . . .
{ Ariston of Chios }
[34] . . . of the tragedy . . . the manly (?) spirit . . .
[35] . . . with his words he breathes a certain strength and passion . . . just as the poet says that Athena speaks, so that each . . .
[37] . . . his pupils, as Apollonius says, were very distinguished . . . Chrysippus [ of Soli ], the son of Apollonios or [Apollonides] . . . . . . Sphaerus . . .
{ Chrysippus }
[38] . . . and in other matters he acted similarly; but also he always went off to the school at the same time of day, and similarly he left for home at the same time, so that none of his pupils would be mistaken . . .
[39] .. . writings about justice, and also his opinions addressed to other men . . .
[40] . . . [although he had problems] with this exhalation, he persevered, retaining the same mode of life that he had always had; nor did he allow anyone to place a chamber-pot under him if he needed it, but he always stood up for this necessity as if he was in good health . . .
[41] These are said to be as follows : that no-one could have seen him, even briefly, in the company of anyone else other than his pupils and followers . . .
{ pupils of Chrysippus }
[46] . . . being sufficient. Hyllos of Soli, who according to Aristocreon in his 'Sepulchre of Chrysippus' previously studied with Sphaerus. Diaphanes of Temnus . . .
[47] ... istratus, Theon, Amaranteus, Timostratus, Noētus, Apelles, Laodamas, Aristobulus, Menecrates, Heracleides, Sphaerus, Arcephon, Aristocles, Diodorus, Diocles, Metrodorus, Nymphis, Hē[reas], Anaxigenes . . . Cleon . . .
{ Zenon of Tarsus }
[48] . . . and five books 'Against Hieronymus', which, they also say, were not fully completed. His pupils were Diogenes of Seleuceia on the Tigris, the son of Artemidorus, who [succeeded] Zenon [as head of the school]; Archedemus of [Tarsus] . . .
{ pupils of Diogenes of Seleuceia }
[51] . . . [Mnasagoras] of Alexandria Troas, [the son of Mnesarchus]; . . . Panaetius of Rhodes, the son of Nicagoras; Mnesarchus of Athens, the son of Onesimus; Dardanus of Athens, the son of Andromachus; Apollodorus of Seleuceia on the Tigris; Boethus of Sidon; . . . of Bithynia . . .
[52] . . . the son of [his] daughter - he was also an Areopagite; Apollonides of Smyrna; Chrysermus of Alexandria in Egypt; Dionysius of Cyrene - was also an excellent geometrician who wrote against Demetrius the rhetorician . . .
{ pupils of Antipater }
[53] . . . [ Panaetius ] was a pupil of Antipater, whom he succeeded as head of the school. Dardanus of Athens, the son of Andromachus, also was a pupil of Antipater at Athens. Apollodorus of Athens . . .
[54] . . . Sosigenes . . .
{ Panaetius }
[55] . . . [ Panaetius ] was one of the noblest . . . he was the eldest of three brothers, and he had another . . .
[56] He . . . went on a military expedition for a year with seven ships for instruction. But it was necessary that the two doctors agreed to join in the trip to Athens with him . . . and when they had gone abroad,with immediate . . .
[59] . . . eight thousand . . . and five servants in the house and cups valued at about fifteen minas and another forty . . . from which he continued to take three hundred [minas] per year . . .
[60] [ Panaetius ] on account of his great disposition, although he could have acted independently, decided merely to give introductory talks in the school of Antipater; and by doing this until the end he was was not prepared to act independently. But, over time, due to old age Antipater held lessons sitting down at home, and Panaetius was asked by to lead the school by the . . .
[61] . . . [but] also in other ways. He was indeed a great admirer of Plato and Aristotle, and altered some of the doctrines of Zenon to accept Academic and Peripatetic opinions . . .
[62] . . . with regard to politics, he leaned towards the opposite . . .
[63] . . . sometimes in Rome and sometimes in Athens . . .
[66] . . . to anyone who ever asked him about anything, he answered with a lively and varied talk on topics of history, science, philosophy and politics . . .
[67] . . . physical exercises and his customary abstinence and the preoccupation of his mind with theoretical thoughts; indeed often to him . . .
[68] But he was no less honoured in Athens; for, when he was still a young man, the people granted a crown of olive leaves and proxeny to him . . .
{ pupils of Panaetius }
[69] . . . at about forty years of age he died of disease; and Panaetius . . . also the grammarian Apollodorus . . .
[70] . . . coming to the great stoa to walk . . .
[71] . . . as far as was fitting; and when the funeral happened, the greatest philosophers of that time and the poets and all . . .
[72] . . . a distinctive element, to have saved his homeland when it was in danger. Therefore, because of the greatness his benefactions, he was said to be the second founder of his homeland.
[73] . . . he (?) lived in Rome and died there, while Panaetius was still alive; Asclepiodotus of Nicaea, the son of Asclepiodotus, who also went to Rome . . .
[74] . . . Marcius and Nysius, the Samnites - Nysius was the first to invent the genre of compositions halfway between the serious and the facetious {spoudaioparōdoi}; Paramonus of Tarsus; Piso ...
[75] . . . Sotas of Paphos; Sosus of Ascalon, who stayed and died in Teanum; Demetrius and Lycander from Bithynia . . .
[76] ... Lycon of Bithynia, Pausanias of Pontus, Timocles of Cnossus or of Cnidus, Damocles of Messene, Gorgus of Sparta. I know also Thibron . . .
[77] . . . he agreed that Paramonus gave introductory talks in the school of Panaetius and that Dicaeus of Tarsus was his pupil, . . . of Zenon . . .
[78] . . . and Apollonius of Ptolemais, our friend, who was a disciple of Dardanus and Mnesarchus, . . .
[79] . . . the son of Stratocles, . . . of Alexandria and Antipater of Tyre, who was previously also a pupil of Antidotus. The Stoics, therefore, all those who succeeded Zenon as leaders [and the] sects . . .
Greek Text : P.Herc. 155 , "De Stoicis"
The standard edition of this text, with Italian translation, is by T. Dorandi, "Philodemo, Gli Stoici (PHerc. 155 e 339)" (1982). The translation of chapter 7 shown here is mostly derived from R. Dobbin, "The Cynic Philosophers: from Diogenes to Julian" (2012), pp.79-80.
The bland title given by the subscription, "On the Stoics", scarcely reflects the surviving contents, which form a sustained invective against Zenon and the beliefs that he took over from the Cynics.
[1] 3 . . . that Epicurus writes in the 'Timocrates' that he performed the most disgusting acts with Metrodorus; and on account of their doctrine of pleasure the Epicureans were expelled by the Phalannians and the Messenians . . . [they take] these decrees as "what is pointed at", as the saying goes . . .
4 . . . the Athenians towards the Macedonian {? Antigonus} . . . but Apollodorus [places] the capture of the city in the year when Antipater was archon before Arrheneides { 263/2 }, when a garrison was installed on the Museium by Antigonus and the magistracies were [abolished] and all government was performed by the will of one man; therefore it is clear . . .
5 . . . he was ninety years old, just as in the letter which contains . . . Zenon . . . one hundred and one years; because from Clearchus { 301/0 } to Arrheneides { 262/1 }, in whose year Zenon died, is a length of thirty-nine [years] and three months . . .
6 . . . preventing [him] from occupying the kingdom alone, and after the death of Lysimachus . . . Gonatas . . . having gained control of Macedonia, went off again to Asia; then later . . . to be king of the Macedonians . . . so that either when Euthius was archon { 283/2 }he wrote . . . . . . or when Anaxicrates was archon { 279/8 }. . .
8 . . . everything which we say is confirmed by Hieronymus and Euphantus of Chalcidice, and also by Hegemon the . . . and Apollodorus the grammarian; . . . and wishing to be a pupil of [ Diogenes ?] the Babylonian . . . therefore neither did the Citian write the letter to the . . . . . . and the barbarism of language . . .
[2] 9 ". . . the 'Republic' of Zenon; it has some defects, but Zenon wrote it when he was young and foolish, therefore it should be granted some forgiveness." To those who say this it should be replied that the man who intends to be a philosopher, even when he is somewhat inexperienced, must keep himself pure from all such things, both in word and in deed; and as he advances in years, he should eradicate the errors of his disposition, or otherwise correct them. Zenon was not always young, and the similar . . . and in other ways he reveals that he kept these opinions throughout all his life. Even the ancients, of whom he was a great admirer, and the greatest ones of them all . . .
10 . . . some say . . . that it has a very bad reputation amongst his successors, and they altogether affirm that the 'Republic' is in error; but others say that Zenon was a complete nobody, and that he himself says concerning himself that he is a nobody, and therefore in some sense the 'Republic' should not be considered as belonging to him, but they are misleading . . . not to exist previously, but not to be a nobody. Perhaps the insignificance of his homeland or his family . . . perhaps they attribute the disorderliness of the preceding sect to him also. These things, in respect of a defence for the 'Republic', are not as far as . . .
11 . . . of the Stoics; and it is agreed that the 'Republic' is thoroughly bad, but they say, "just as Epicurus in his earliest writings is said to have been in error but not to deserve condemnation, therefore neither should Zenon be criticised." But I say that in the earliest writings of Epicurus nothing disgraceful or impious can be found, but the 'Republic' is full of such things, which is why we are condemning it, not because it has some common and widespread errors, which are unavoidable, since it is impossible for anyone to be infallibly wise right from the beginning; and such criticisms should not be made against truly pious men by ordinary individuals. And the change and correction that occurred . . . in the others and among the later Stoics . . .
12 . . . they overlook the fact that, at the beginning of the treatise, Zenon explains that the 'Republic' sets forth what is appropriate for both the places in which he dwelt and the times in which he lived, and therefore he would deserve censure, if he did this; inasmuch as he used impossible principles to make laws for non-existent people, ignoring the people who really exist; and because, if this was his purpose, he was a wretched man to suggest such outrageous principles, and in what follows to attempt such reasonings as not leave any excess of impiety; and lastly, that through other means he proposed laws of a similar nature.
[3] Both the former ones, of whom he is an admirer, and the successors of the school of philosophy, some boldly claim that the Stoics ought not to be called to account for the failings of Zenon; for if . . .
13 . . . [their philosophy] was first established though [ Socrates and] Antisthenes and Diogenes, and therefore they want to be called Socratics; but Stoicism received its important developments through Zenon, and all the Stoics, so to speak, assign the prime position in the school to him, and as well as them, so do Hippobotus and Apollodorus who wrote the chronicle. These judgements involve not only Zenon but also the other Stoics, so that even if one of them disowns Zenon, such as (?) Poseidonius, he will still keep the [rest of the tenets of the school]. The same thing should be [said] regarding that . . . that the whole Stoa . . . which is not accepted even by any of the Stoics. And indeed their leader . . .
14 . . . they are remote, and nothing different happens to them, because most of them are guarantors.
[4] To say that the Stoics accept Zenon on account of his discovery of the End is the statement of an audacious man; because they also admire the rest of his doctrines. And it is unreasonable to accept the End and not interpret the other things in accordance with it. And in consequence of the End, it is necessary to accept what is set out in the 'Republic'. Considering this, it would have been better if he had not become wise, so that he would not be criticised for his faults. Therefore they agree that he was a great man, even if not a wise man, and that he was the founder of their school. [But if] he had been a mediocre man, he would not have been so ambitious to fill [his work] with disgraceful [doctrines] and offensive . . .
. . . [these doctrines] are accepted [by most of them], and admired by them, as being characteristic of their sect.
[5] 15 But with regard to those noble men who accept the 'Republic' as faultless, what could one say that was more absurd? They try to provide justifications only for the "thigh-parting", when it is surrounded by so many evil things, although they have announced that they are justifying the whole 'Republic', not only one part of it.
[6] But since some of our contemporaries have doubts, as they say, about the 'Republic' of Diogenes, in which they deviate from Stoicism, it must be said that it was written by Diogenes, as shown by its style, and as the catalogues and the libraries indicate. And Cleanthes in his 'On Clothing' mentions it as a work of Diogenes; he praises it and gives both a summary of its contents and an account of some sections of it. And Chrysippus in his 'On the City and the Law' mentions it . . . . . . in the Republics. 16 And in his own 'Republic', when taking about the uselessness of weapons, he says that Diogenes says the same thing - something which Diogenes seems to have written only in the 'Republic'. And in his 'On things that are not in themselves preferable' he says that in the 'Republic' Diogenes proposes a law that knucklebones should be used as currency. This is contained in the work about which we are talking, and in the first book of 'Against those who think differently about prudence'. Also in his 'On life according to nature' he mentions it, along with the impious statements it contains, and he expresses agreement with them. And in the fourth book of 'On Virtue and Pleasure' he often mentions the 'Republic' and its contents, with approval. And in the third book of his 'On Justice' [he mentions] the opinion about cannibalism . . . . . . he recorded. Perhaps he talks about the same topic in the seventh book of his 'On Duty' . . . this exists. 17 And Diogenes himself in his 'Atreus' and 'Oedipus' and 'Philiscus' repeats many of the offensive and impious statements in the 'Republic', as being agreeable to him. And Antipater in his 'Against the Schools of Philosophy' mentions the 'Republic' of Zenon and the opinions of Diogenes, which he recorded in his 'Republic'; he expresses admiration for their lack of emotion {apatheia}. And some say, "The 'Republic' does not belong to the Sinopean, but to someone else - some wicked person, not Diogenes" . . .
. . . we said that he was a cheater. And from the beginning of the writing to the end, it is evident that Diogenes [altogether] reaches . . .
[7] 18 Let us now transcribe the noble sentiments of [Diogenes and Zenon the Stoic] in such a way as to get through it as quickly as possible.
These two godly men believe it is right to trade our humanity in for a dog's life; to employ language that is frank and unrestrained; to masturbate in public; to wear a doubled cloak; to subject to scorn males who are in love with them and constrain by force those who do not welcome their advances . . . . . . [They hold] that all children should be held in common . . . . . . [One should] have sexual relations with one's sisters, mothers and other close relations, as well as brothers and sons. [One should] never miss an opportunity to take part in sexual activities, even if a degree of force is involved.
19 Women will [draw] men on and induce them by any means possible to couple with them, and if they do not find a partner, they will go to the marketplace in search of someone to service them; and as occasion allows, they will have sexual relations with all and sundry, male or female. Married men should have relations with their slaves, and married women should leave their husband's bed and go off with whoever strikes their fancy. Women [should] wear the same clothes and share in the same activities as men without distinction; they [should] go to the stadium, and appear in the gymnasium naked ... and exercise with the men, concealing nothing . . . and most of the time they eat their meals together . . . however there is no difference, nor unburied . . . 20 People should have their fathers killed and cease to acknowledge as their own any city or law that at present we respect. [They hold] that men, as they now are, are practically children, or mad, and should be treated as if they were sick ... They should consider all friends false and untrustworthy, as enemies of the gods and of themselves, so that there is no [trust] . . .
. . . guilty in all respects. So of the things now considered good or just, none, they maintain, is so by nature. People should be treated as if they were senseless and immature, confusing what is just with what in reality is unjust and shameful . . . of men and of women . . .
[8] 21 . . . very [shameful], such as Helen and Jocasta and Philomela; instead of following the way of life of the Athenians and the other Greeks, [they choose] to emigrate to us Campanians and to ancient Etruria and Sardinia and the Persians, and set their frontier in the region of the Taurus; and instead of the civilised manner of life of current times, they [move back] to the life of aboriginal men, if it is at all possible for them from the human . . .
[9] 22 . . . and this madness that consumes them like a cancer. But we, having purified our ears and our minds long ago, in no way partake in these dreadful infamies, as we have demonstrated.
PHILODEMUS, ON THE STOICS
{ The following isolated fragments come from the earlier part of the treatise, before the surviving columns. }
[fr.1] . . . Socrates . . . to be a friend of [Eudicus], the father of Apemantus . . .
[fr.7] . . . and some of the Stoics; but it is already enough to have mentioned the Citian . . .
[fr.9] . . . and intercourse with effeminate men, having already recommended this. And in addition to abusive acts with men . . .
[fr.12] . . . [Chrysippus . . .] and in the fifth book of 'On Duty' and in the third and fourth books of 'On Virtue and Pleasure' and in the seventh book of the 'Republic'. And Sphaerus in his 'Art of Love' . . .
[fr.17] . . . just as Crates in his Letters despises actors . . .
Greek Text : P.Herc. 1021
There is a complete English translation of this text by P. Kalligas & V. Tsouna, in "Plato's Academy: Its Workings and its History", pp. 276 ff.; some of the translation can be found in Google Books.
In compiling his history, Philodemus quoted many passages from earlier writers, such as Apollodorus of Athens. Three excerpts are shown here.
{ Heracleides }
A similar story about Heracleides' death is told by Diogenes Laertius, 5.91. The translation is taken from E. Schutrumpf, "Heraclides of Pontus: Texts, Translation, and Discussion", no. 12.
[9] He says that [ Heracleides ] was skilled . . . - Some say that Heracleides taught reading and writing ((as did Heracleitus)), which is the same in substance -, that: "when the land of the people of Heracleia became barren because of persisting droughts and untimely heavy rains, a famine occurred in the area of Heracleia which lasted for [many]° years. And after the citizens of Heracleia had decided [to ask the Pythia] as they say . . . Cephisogenes the Pythia . . . While the response was being read Cephisogenes, having fallen down . . .
[ac10] [Heracleides] lost his footing from his block of seats in the auditorium and falling all the way to the middle of the theatre, hit a step and shattered his skull, with the result that he breathed his last shortly after the man who tried to corrupt the Pythia. And it happened also that the prophetess who was just then coming into the temple stepped on a snake, was bitten, and died." And this fellow { ? Demochares } says that there has even been a better pupil and citizen than Heracleides . . .
{ Chaeron }
Chaeron was installed as tyrant of Pellene by Alexander; see Pausanias, 7.27.7. The translation is mostly taken from G. Verhasselt, Hermippus on Chaeron of Pellene : Edition and Discussion.
[11] Concerning Chaeron of Pellene - since nothing hinders us - it is necessary to add what Hermippus recorded in 'On Those Who Converted from Philosophy to Excellence and the Exercise of Power' : Chaeron of Pellene stayed in the Academy with Plato and Xenocrates, but having won the men's wrestling contest without touching the ground . . . three times, as it is said, and three times at the Pythian Games . . . through [his] courage he gave a demonstration of great deeds . . . appointed him tyrant of his hometown . . . who had come as the ambassadors of Antipater ... that through Corrhagus and the good soldiers who were with him in the Peloponnese he had taken control over his hometown, had exiled the citizens and had given the slaves their masters' possessions [12] and women. Phaenias says that when he became ambitious in his greed, even as a consequence of his Olympic victory, he was shown to be a vigorous tyrant. Some say that he tried also to found a city called Chaeroneia near the so-called Megarica . . .
. . . the said Xenocrates . . .
. . . to the envoys of Antipater for him through Corrhagus and the thousand men with him in the Peloponnese . . .
{ Philon }
Philon of Larissa went to Italy late in his life, where Cicero became one of his pupils - see for instance Cic:Brut_306. Part of the translation is taken from K. Fleischer, New evidence on the death of Philo of Larissa and The Pupils of Philo of Larissa and Philodemus' Stay in Sicily .
[33] Philon, the successor of Cleitomachus, was born in the year of Aristaechmus { 159/8 } and came to Athens at the age of about twenty-four in the year of Nicomachus { 134/3 }, having been in his homeland a pupil of Callicles, the disciple of Carneades, for about eight years; he was a pupil of Cleitomachus for fourteen years . . . of Apollodorus . . . two . . . and for seven years of the Stoic. . . He began to lead the school in the year of Polycleitus ({ 110/9 } and, after [living] for seventy-four years, he died in the year of Nicetes { 84/3 } . . .
. . . having lived for sixty-three years, [Philon died] in the year of Nicetes { 84/3 } in the land of Italy from a catarrh which was then spreading over the entire world.
[34] And his school already had . . . in charge of it when I Philodemus } arrived by ship in Athens, coming from Alexandria. His { Philon's } pupils were Iolaos of Sardis, Menecrates of Mitylene, who also sojourned in Sicily, when I was there as well, Mnaseas of Tyre, . . . from Acragas, Melanthius son of Aeschines, Lysimachus, who formerly was an astronomer and a pupil of Heracleitus (of Tyre), and Pausanias, who also heard Lysimachus himself . . .
. . . (Antiochus) after having heard the Stoic Mnesarchus . . .
. . . (Antiochus) spent most of his life on embassies from Athens both to Rome and to the generals in the provinces, and in the end it was in Mesopotamia, while in attendance upon Lucius Lucullus, that he died. He had been loved by many.
Greek Text : P.Herc. 1780
The standard edition of this text, is by A. Tepedino Guerra, "Il Kepos epicureo nel PHerc. 1780" (1980).
[c] . . . the reconciliation with Dionysius shall be . . . [in line with] the laws [of the city] . . . without penalty . . . that he shall do . . . from Alopece . . . Dionysius . . .
[2b] . . . staying . . . testament . . .
[4a] . . . two . . . and a large ladle . . . bronze . . . silverware . . .
[4b] . . . previously . . . of the accusations . . . Dionysius and Diotimus . . . of Aristonymus . . .
[7] . . . the school . . . they shall [give] to those [of our group and to those with] them and to whom . . . the successors of the [school] . . . they shall be masters of the Garden and of the [school] in the Garden; and those to whom at any time it is left and to whom they hand it over . . .
[7b] . . . of him were Athenagoras, Tauriscus . . . [Basileides succeeded] as head of the Garden [after the death] of Dionysius, [when] Isocrates was archon { 205/4 } . . .
[8c] . . . [from] which I leave fifty [to . . .], fifty to Menestheus, and [I instruct] Callias [to do] whatever Antigonus [tells him]; they shall give . . . to Agathon, fifty to Callias, and they shall give to the creditors. . .
[8d] . . . Epicurus . . . they shall not give authority to the leaders . . .
[8l] . . . when [Menecrates was archon] { 219/8 }, against [Dionysius] of Lamptrae and [Diotimus] of Semachidae charges [were brought by] . . . Cephisophon . . . to Apollodorus son of Socrates . . . against Cephisophon . . .
[8m] . . . and [the covenant was as follows] : "With good fortune. When Menecrates was archon { 219/8 }, in the month of Gamelion, this covenant was made between Dionysius of Lamptrae, the son of Dionysius, and Diotimus of Semachidae, the son of Eunostus, . . . of Diotimus of Semachidae . . . the master . . . the Rhamnusian . . . Dionysius . . . out of prison . . . Cephisophon . . .
Greek Text : P.Herc. 1044
Apart from the following fragments of his biography, Philonides and his brother are known from two inscriptions (see OGIS_241); and the name of Philonides also appears in the introduction to the second book of 'Conics' by Apollonius of Perge, which takes the form of a letter: "Apollonius to Eudemus, greeting. If you are in good health, it is well; I too am moderately well. I have sent my son Apollonius to you with the second book of my collected Conics. Peruse it carefully and communicate it to those who are worthy to take part in such studies. And if Philonides the geometer, whom I introduced to you in Ephesus, should at any time visit the neighbourhood of Pergamum, communicate the book to him. Take care of your health. Farewell."
On the controversial question of the relationship between Philonides' philosophical beliefs and his interest in geometry, see "The Cambridge History of Hellenistic Philosophy", chapter 18.2 ( Google Books ); and R. Netz, "Were there Epicurean mathematicians?" ( Google Books ). Some of the references in the text to Seleucid kings have been discussed by D. Gera, "Philonides the Epicurean at Court: Early Connections" ( PDF ).
The standard edition of this text is by I. Gallo, "Studi di papirologia ercolanese" (2002). However the most easily accessible edition, and the most recent, is the thesis by M.G.Assante, "PHerc1044 Vita Philonidis: edizione, traduzione e commento" (2012), which is available via Scribd. This translation has been made from Assante's text; the numbers in green are from Assante's edition, and the numbers in red are from Gallo's edition.
{5} [48] Therefore Philonides of Laodiceia, {6} [2] who investigated causes [according to] the gift of contemplation that he had, was a willing follower. For . . . to the existing studies concerning . . .
. . . to geometry and astronomy. And personally he had somehow accepted the views (?) of Epicurus on this topic concerning the phenomena of the sky. And concerning the [desire] for love of children, he says: "When we were still children . . . {7} [3] . . . not done anything secret towards them, but put everything, words and deeds, in the open." He says that he was content with their life together, and he [loved] his father so much that, when many encouraged him to be married . . . [he] did not heed [them] . . .
[50] . . . of the means . . . for the acquisition of a [healthy] condition. . . going abroad . . .
{8} [4] . . . general education {enkyklia} . . . easily placated . . .
{11} [59] . . . he appears to have relinquished the other things, which were held in common with his brother. However in addition to the slaves who had been freed by him, he was somewhat willing to free the other slaves as well. {12} [5] And after asking his brother [whether] he should add anything to the list, he determined . . . to those who had been freed in addition . . .
[58] . . . (?) calling him father and brother, following whom . . . he thought . . . of nothing . . . He said that he would follow . . .
{13} [6] . . . evident that Philonides was really fond of his father . . .
{14} [7] . . . he (?) writes that he listened to . . . ; in the books he mentions two old commentaries, those of Eudemus both on the sixth book (?) of Epicurus and on scientific reasoning, and those of Artemon, on the books (?) of Epicurus from the first up to the thirty-third - with the exception of some books; and also the studies of Dionysodorus. He also mentions a treatise against Patareus . . .
[52] . . . after his death, when Laodiceia received a garrison . . .
{15} [53] . . . both to men of a similar opinion and from other men, by which he obtained universal approval, so that he was [especially] honoured by the leaders of the state, just as they say by Diogenes the Babylonian . . .
{16} [9] . . . Dem[etrius] . . . the Romans when Antiochus (?) son of Seleucus . . . wanted to destroy it, an exceptional service and . . . [56] . . . friends . . . the envoys sent to you by king {17} [10] Demetrius . . . [Me]nochares . . . to (?) send the letter to him, making clear . . . to be common, [that] all . . .
[57] ". . . I stayed there [with] the friends for many years. I waited for the time to return from . . ., vowing and intending to spend the very end of my old age in Laodiceia, not in . . . "
{20} [62] . . . not [the things] concerning which he had been sent by the Laodiceans to make a request, {21} [16] but things concerning which he himself had come to advise; for nothing more grievous could happen to him, than to discover such a character upon meeting him, because he honoured [him] no less than a father . . .
{23} [65] . . . the creator seems to have accepted them for the sake of . . .
{24} [66] . . . being eager to collect the books of Epicurus, on account of which . . .
{27} [19] . . . of those who investigate together in a reputable manner for the sake of philosophy. The studies took place in [this] house, opposite the royal palace . . .
. . . of the king . . . distinguishing . . . in accordance with philosophy; and then exhorting him to goodness of character, and approving of his {28} [20] keen and earnest nature, as one of those who have come over passionately to philosophy; and he freed himself from his youthful pursuits; he had no need of consultation or advice for the care of his body, and of . . . mildness . . . [used] him as a fellow-worker . . . . . . in the . . . of the last day [? he remained] for the whole day; and of those who lived with him . . .
{29} [21*] . . . to the king and . . . he was very helpful, [not] having a speculative nature . . .
{30} [22*] . . . having . . . towards his brother Dicaearchus; for indeed not . . .
{31} [21] . . . Heliodorus, as if by chance, a noble and unaffected disposition towards friends, and (?) asserting cheerfulness towards [everyone] . . .
. . . to the brother whom you know precisely . . .
. . . the harshness of Dicaearchus . . .
[24] . . . he would avoid such evils, and almost all other evils, [in the manner] of a free man and one pursuing philosophy for salvation, {32} [22] but it would not be necessary to suffer such a thing on his own account, as he would willingly offer his neck on one of his relatives or his friends whom he especially loved; "for it if was fitting for me to die on behalf of my country, how should I not be prepared to die on behalf of a relative?"
[25*] . . . to the gymnasium . . . all dwelling as friends, and of a worthy possession . . .
{33} [23] . . . it adds to the virtues, but is then rather constrained, if it persists . . .
{34} [24] . . . agreed . . . [if indeed] what has been written by him is worthy to be believed, as Antiphanes and his associates have declared, one would consider that many of the things that have been written about any subject whatsoever are more reliable. For it was likely that Antiphanes himself, having as his grandfather Iolaus, who had an extraordinary [reputation] in philosophy . . .
{35} [25] . . . to agree with them. So the one who compiled the records has noted this: Philonides was a pupil first of Eudemus, and after that of Dionysodorus of Caunus, the son of Dionysodorus . . . the doctrines of Dionysodorus in common . . .
[51] . . . of the philosophers . . .
{36} [11] and of Timasagoras, [Basileides] and Thespis; he was their pupil for a year, and again [he studied] under Basileides and Thespis for six months. He met with Iolaus for a certain length of time, and with [many] other philosophers . . .
. . . in the royal residence . . .
{37} [12] . . . he went up in the same year, and he went up to the residence, in the company of a crowd of philosophers, from whom he differed only in some way. He then . . . to stay attached to the school and to make great progress . . . thus . . .
{38} [13] . . . stitched-together. . . useful [writings] of various kinds. For he disagreed with the rhetoricians that dialectic . . . geometry in various ways . . .
. . . the eighth book On Nature, and other treatises of all kinds {39} [14] on [his] doctrines, and many geometrical treatises concerning the 'minimum'; and he has composed useful books for idle young men, and epitomes of the letters of Epicurus, Metrodorus, Polyaenus, Hermarchus, and of the letters arranged by topic . . . . . . his character shone out . . .
{41} [27] King Demetrius made a gift to Philonides [of a place] where he could stay and study together with him. For he did not simply commit himself to the duties of adviser and envoy and things like that, but . . .
{43} [27] . . . of all, of Carneades and the others, he was useful to his fatherland . . .
{44} [30] . . . although [ Antiochus ] Epiphanes had been hostile to the sect, Philonides made him a supporter of its words, having published a hundred and twenty five treatises, [and left some] memoirs for his acquaintances; and because of his goodness, with courage . . .
[28] . . . Heliodorus, who had finished recruiting and set off together with . . . {45} [31] to hope in . . . reception in Athens . . . he bore without . . . and Zenodorus himself, arriving at the city. And he died nobly; for when there was a festival of Demeter . . . to pray . . . in the house . . .
[29] . . . king Epiphanes, when Philonides wrote, in the places that we have cited previously, {46} [32] that, when he was still a boy, he had been instructed in basic principles by Dionysodorus - who, I believe, was not hostile to the sect - and if . . . implored by Philonides not to destroy Laodiceia . . . .. . being hostile to . . .
{47} [33] . . . he adds that he was ungrateful to Artemon, his teacher, and that he set up another school in the same city, to ruin [the school] of his teacher . . .
[31*] . . . and pepper only . . . {48} [34] he gave to Zenodorus to take away . . . minas, and because when he came to Athens he placed himself under the instruction of Timasagoras and went to . . . for a year . . .
{49} [33*] . . . of Philonides . . . of a whole book . . .
{50} [34*] . . . having lovers of learning close to him . . .
{fr.3} [45] . . . during the sea-voyage of Philonides to Syria, having turned aside to Caria, he decided to go off home, so that he would not remain [away] from his parents . . .
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