These letters were sent between February and October 50 B.C.
The translation is by E.O. Winstedt (1919). Click on the L symbols to go to the Latin text of each section. Click on ** to go to the translator's footnotes.
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← Book 5
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I got your letter on the 5th day before the Terminalia ** at Laodicea. I was delighted at its tone of affection, kindness, and obliging zeal. I will not pay "gold for brass" (for that is what you ask for), nor will I start an arrangement of my own, but will keep to your order. You say that the last letter you got from me was from Cybistra dated the 21st of September, and you want to know which of yours I have received. Almost all you mention except those which you say were entrusted to Lentulus' servants at Equotuticus and Brundisium. So your energy is not a dead loss as you fear, but has been well spent, if you aimed at giving me pleasure. For nothing has ever given me more pleasure.
2 I am exceedingly glad that you approve of my restraint in the case of Appius and my generosity even in the matter of your friend Brutus. I had feared you might not quite like it. For Appius on his journey sent me two or three letters showing pique, because I revoked some of his enactments. It is as if a doctor, when a patient has been placed under the care of another, should be angry with his successor for changing his prescription. So Appius, having starved the province, let blood, and tried every lowering treatment, hands it to me drained of life and cannot bear to see it being nurtured by me. Sometimes he is angry, sometimes he thanks me; for no act of mine has reflected on his policy. It is only the difference of my regime that annoys him. There is a very wide difference between a province worn out by expense and losses under his rule and not having to pay a penny out of private or public purse under my administration. I need not mention his prefects, his staff and his legates, the acts of robbery, of rape and insult. But now, upon my word, no private house is managed with such judgement or such economy, or is so well ordered as my whole province. Some friends of Appius put an absurd construction on my policy and declare that I am seeking popularity to damage him, and am acting honourably, not for the sake of my own reputation, but to cause him shame. However, if Appius, as the letter from Brutus which you forward to me shows, expresses his thanks, I am content: but the very day on which I write this letter before dawn I am thinking of annulling many of his wrong enactments and decisions.
3 I come now to the matter of Brutus. On your advice I zealously cultivated his friendship, I had even begun to feel a real liking for him: but there I pull myself up for fear I should vex you. For do not imagine that there is anything I should prefer better than to execute his commission, or anything on which I have taken more pains. He gave me a volume of commissions, and you spoke to me about his affairs. I have done my best with all of them; first of all I induced Ariobarzanes to pay him the money he promised me. So long as his highness was with me the business was on a good footing: but later the king was dunned by scores of agents from Pompey. Pompey has more influence than anyone for many reasons and because it is rumoured that he will come to conduct the war against the Parthians. Even to him however payment is made on the following terms. On every thirtieth day 33 talents is paid and that by tribute imposed on the king's subjects. Even such a sum will not cover the amount of monthly interest. However our friend Gnaeus is an easy-going creditor. He is willing to forgo his capital and is content with interest, and that not in full. The king pays no one else and has no means to pay. He has no treasury and no regular tribute: he levies taxes on the method of Appius. They are scarcely sufficient to pay the interest on Pompey's money. His highness has two or three very wealthy friends, but they look after their own pockets as well as you or I. Still I do not cease to write dunning, coaxing and scolding his highness. 4 Deiotarus too has told me that he has sent messengers to him about his debt to Brutus: and they came back with the reply that he has no assets. I can quite believe it, for I have never seen a kingdom more plundered or a king more needy. So I am thinking of resigning my guardianship, or, as Scaevola did for Glabrio, of repudiating both capital and interest. However I have conferred the office of prefect, which I promised Brutus through you, on M. Scaptius and L. Gavius, who are his agents in the kingdom; for they were not conducting their business in my province. You will remember that my principle was that he might have as many prefectures at his disposal as he liked, provided he did not give them to business men: so I offered him two others besides. But the gentlemen for whom he asked them had left my province.
5 Now to talk about the people of Salamis, a matter which I see came as a surprise to you as it did to me. Brutus never told me that that money was his. Indeed I have his own memorandum stating "The people of Salamis owe money to M. Scaptius and P. Matinius, my friends." He recommends these gentlemen to me, and to spur me adds a postscript that he has gone security to them for a large sum. I had arranged that they should pay in compound interest for six years at 12 percent. But Scaptius demanded 48 per cent, and I was afraid, if he got his request, that you too would cease to be my friend, for I should have departed from the terms of my own edict, and have ruined utterly a state enjoying the protection of Cato and Brutus himself ** and distinguished by my attentions. 6 At this very point Scaptius thrusts a letter of Brutus into my hand, stating what Brutus had never told me or you, that Brutus himself was the party concerned, and asking me to give the office of prefect to his agent. But that was the very proviso I had authorised you to make, that no office could be given to a business man, above all to such a fellow as Scaptius. For he had been a prefect of Appius, and indeed had had some squadrons of cavalry, which he had used to beset the Senate at Salamis in their own chamber, so that five Members of the House died of starvation. Accordingly on the day I reached the province, since an embassy from Cyprus had already met me at Ephesus, I sent orders that his cavalry should leave the island at once. This, I fancy, had led Scaptius to write somewhat bitterly about me to Brutus. However, my attitude is this. If Brutus thinks that I ought to have allowed 48 per cent, when throughout my province I have recognised only 12 per cent, and have fixed this rate in my edict, with the approval of the most grasping usurers; if he complains of my refusal to give office to a business man, which I made also to our friend Torquatus in the case of your acquaintance Laenius, and to Pompey himself in the case of Sex. Statius, without annoying either of them; if he is angry at the disbanding of his cavalry, well I shall be sorry that he is angry with me, but I shall be far sorrier at discovering he is not the man I imagined he was. 7 Scaptius will admit that he had the opportunity of getting by my decision all the money allowed by my edict. I will add a point which I fear you may not like, the interest allowed by my edict ought to have ceased to run. ** The people of Salamis wished to deposit the sum in a temple; but I begged them not to raise the point. They gave way to me: but what will happen to them if Brutus' brother-in-law, Paulus, ** comes here? I allowed Brutus all this privilege: and he has written very kind letters about me to you; but to me, even when he asks a favour, he writes in an arrogant, bold tone and uncivilly. Please write to Brutus about the matter, that I may know how he takes it. You can inform me.
To be sure, I had given you the full story in a former letter: but I wanted you to understand clearly that I had not forgotten a remark in one of your letters, that if I took nothing else away from this province except Brutus' good-will, that would be enough. Be it as you wish, provided it can be so without loss of honour to me. So I have given judgement that the payment of the people of Salamis to Scaptius is good at law. The equity of this course I will leave to your consideration. I will not even appeal to Cato: 8 but don't think I have let slip your exhortations. They are fixed in my heart. With tears in your eyes, you told me to think of my reputation. Is there any letter of yours which does not touch on the topic? So let who will be angry. I can put up with it. "The right is on my side," ** especially since I have bound myself to good conduct, with six volumes for bail. I am glad you like the books ** so much, though there is one point of history which you question, that about Cn. Flavius, the son of Annius. He did not flourish before the days of the decemviri, since he held a curule aedileship, which was instituted long after their time. What good then did he do by publishing the official calendar? It is thought that at one time the calendar was not exposed in public, so that a privileged few might be the sole source of information as to days propitious for business. Moreover, several authorities maintain that this Cn. Flavius was the first man to publish the calendar and to draw up a digest of the forms of legal procedure. So don't think that I, or rather my spokesman Africanus, invented a fiction. You took my remark about the actor's mannerism, and suspected a satirical meaning: ** but I wrote in all naïveté. 9 You tell me that Philotimus wrote to you about my being hailed Imperator; but I fancy that, now you are in Epirus, you have got my two letters about the business, one from after its capture, another from Laodicea, both delivered to your slaves. For fear of accidents at sea, I sent the public despatch on my campaign to Rome in duplicate by different carriers. 10 As to my daughter Tullia I agree with you, and I have written to her and her mother giving my consent. For a former letter of yours to me said "I could wish you had returned to your old associates." There was no occasion to alter the letter that came from Memmius: for I much prefer to accept this candidate from Pontidia than the other from Servilia. So get our friend Saufeius to help you in this business. He always liked me, and now I trust he will like me all the more, since he is bound to have inherited his brother Appius' liking for me along with the rest of his inheritance, and Appius often expressed great affection for me, especially in the trial of Bursa. Indeed you will relieve me of a source of great anxiety.
11 I do not like Furnius' proviso; ** there is nothing else I fear, except the point which he makes his sole proviso. I would write to you more fully on the point, if you were in Rome. I am not surprised that you depend entirely on Pompey for keeping the peace. That is quite right, and I think you must delete your phrase "insincere." If the order of my paragraphs is muddled, you have yourself to blame, as I am following your own harum-scarum way. 12 My son and nephew are fond of one another, learn their lessons and take their exercise together: but to quote Isocrates' remark about Ephorus and Theopompus, one wants the rein and the other the spur. I intend to celebrate Quintus' coming of age on the day of the Liberalia. His father asked me to do this, and I shall act on the assumption that there will be no addition to the calendar. Dionysius is in my good graces: but the boys say he is liable to mad fits of temper. However one could not get a master of more learning and better character and more liking for you and me. 13 The praise you hear of Thermus and Silius is deserved: they conduct themselves in very honourable fashion. You may praise M. Nonius, Bibulus, and myself too, if you like. I only wish Scrofa had scope for his tact. He is a fine fellow. The rest do little credit to Cato's policy. I am much obliged to you for recommending my case to Hortensius. As to Amianus Dionysius says there is no help. I have met with no trace of Terentius. Moeragenes has certainly been killed. I made a tour through his district and found not a living thing. I did not know this, when I spoke to your agent Democritus. I have ordered the Rhosian ware for you. But what the deuce will you serve up in fine pottery, when you are accustomed to give us vegetarian fare on fern-pattern plates and in magnificent baskets? I have ordered a horn for Phemius, and one will be got. I only hope that his playing will be worthy of the instrument.
14 A war with the Parthians is imminent. Cassius' despatch was futile, Bibulus' has not yet come. I think the reading of it will stir the senate to action at last. I am very anxious myself. If, as I hope, my tenure of office is not extended, I have June and July to fear. Very good. Bibulus can check them for two months, but what will happen to the man whom I leave behind, especially if he be my brother? Or what will be my own fate, if I do not depart so speedily? It is a great bother. However Deiotarus has decided to join my camp in full force. He has thirty squadrons of four hundred men each armed in our fashion, and two thousand cavalry. He can hold out till Pompey comes. A letter he writes to me presumes that he will conduct the campaign. The Parthians spend the winter in our province. Orodes is expected in person. You may take my word it is a big business.
15 As to Bibulus' edict there is no new feature, except that proviso of which you wrote "it is a very grave reflection on our order." ** However I have a similar proviso, in more circumspect language, borrowed from the Asiatic edict of Q. Mucius, son of Publius, "Provided that the agreement is not such as contravenes equity." I have followed Scaevola in many details, among them in the stipulation which the Greeks hold as the salvation of their freedom, that Greek cases are to be settled according to Greek law. The edict is short on account of the division I have made, as I considered it fell better under two heads. The one concerns provincial matters and deals with town accounts, debt, the rate of interest, contracts, and includes all matters referring to the tax-collectors. The second head, embracing matters which cannot properly be settled without an edict, deals with inheritance, ownership and sale, the appointment of official receivers, matters where suits are wont to be brought and settled in accordance with the terms of an edict. A third head dealing with the rest of judicial procedure I left unwritten. I stated that in such matters my decrees would be based on those of Rome. I observe this rule, and so far satisfy everybody. The Greeks are jubilant at having foreign jurors. You may say that the jurors are wasters: however the Greeks flatter themselves that they have got home rule, and your own jurors are men of the lofty standing of Turpio the shoe maker and Vettius the broker. 16 You ask how I am dealing with the tax-gatherers. I pet them, indulge them, praise and honour them: and take care they trouble no one. It is very odd that the rates of interest specified in their bonds were upheld even by Servilius. My procedure is this. I name a day fairly remote, before which, if the debtors pay up, I lay down that I shall allow only 12 per cent.
But, if they have not paid, judgement will be according to the bond. Accordingly the Greeks pay their debts at a fair rate of interest, and the farmers are gratified, provided they get their fill of compliments and invitations. In short, they are all so intimate with me that each man thinks himself my special favourite. But still you know the old saw. **
17 As to the statue of Africanus (what a medley of topics! but that was the delightful feature of your letter, to my mind), do you really mean that Metellus Scipio does not know his great-grandfather was never censor? Certainly the statue which has lately been placed on high near the temple of Ops has only the inscription COS. But the statue near the Hercules of Polycles bears the inscription CENS.: and the pose, the dress, the ring and the likeness prove that it is a statue of the same person. As a matter of fact, when among the crowd of gilded knights placed by Metellus on the Capitol, I noticed a likeness of Africanus with the name Serapio on the pedestal, I thought it was a workman's error, but now I see it is Metellus' mistake. 18 What gross ignorance of history! For that misconception about Flavius and the calendar, if it is such, is widely held: and you were quite right in having doubts about it. I have followed the view which is almost universal, as Greek authors often do. Every one says that Eupolis, the poet of the old Comedy, was thrown into the sea by Alcibiades on his voyage to Sicily. Eratosthenes confutes this, producing plays exhibited by him after that date. But that is no reason for laughing at Duris of Samos, who is an accurate historian, because he follows a vulgar error. All historians agree that Zaleucus drew up laws for the Locrians. It is not therefore fatal to Theophrastus, if he is called to account for that by your friend Timaeus. But not to know that one's great-grandfather was not censor is shocking, especially as after his consulship no Cornelius was censor during his lifetime. 19 As for your remarks about Philotimus and the payment of 20,600,000 sestertii, I hear that Philotimus came to the Chersonese about the beginning of January, but so far I have heard nothing from him. Camillus writes that he has received my balance. I don't know how much it is, and I should like to know. However, we can discuss this later and more conveniently when we meet.
20 That remark at the end of your letter, my dear Atticus, upset me. You used the phrase, "What more is there to say," and follow it by a most affectionate warning not to forget to be on the watch and to keep an eye on events. Have you heard anything about any of my staff? I am sure there has been no wrong-doing, pas du tout. It could not have escaped my notice, and it will not. But your earnest entreaty seemed to hint something. 21 As for M. Octavius, I repeat that your reply was excellent. I could wish it had been in more positive terms. For Caelius has sent me a freedman of his and a carefully worded letter about panthers and an offer from the townships to furnish contributions. ** I replied that the second item is annoying, if my conduct is still a secret and the news has not reached town that in my province no money is exacted except in satisfaction of debts: and I have told him that it would be improper for me to allow payment and for him to take it. I have a sincere regard for him and have warned him that after his prosecution of other people he should conduct himself on more careful lines. As to the second point I have told him it would be a blot on my reputation that the people of Cibyra should have a public hunt during my governorship. 22 Lepta leaps with joy over your letter: for it was nicely written and puts me in his good graces. Your tiny daughter has done me a favour in ordering you earnestly to send me her greetings. It was kind of Pilia and very dutiful of your daughter to send greetings to one whom as yet she has never met. So please give my greetings to both of them in return. The date of your letter, the last day of December, reminded me pleasantly of the famous and unforgotten oath I took. ** I was a Pompey in state robes that day. There you have my answer to all your points: not as you asked "gold for copper," but like for like.
23 There was another short letter which I will not leave unanswered. Lucceius to be sure was able to do something for the villa at Tusculum, unless perhaps there was the old obstacle of the flute player; ** and I should like to know its condition. Our friend Lentulus I hear has advertised all his property except that at Tusculum. I should like to see these gentlemen free from debt as well as Sestius and you may add Caelius too. To all of them one may apply the quotation, "ashamed to refuse, but yet afraid to take." ** I suppose you have heard of Curio's idea to recall Memmius. As for the debt due from Egnatius of Sidicinum, I have some hope, but not much. Deiotarus is taking very great care of Pinarius, whom you recommended to me, in a serious illness. So there is my answer to your little letter.
24 While I am at Laodicea, which will be up to the 15th of May, please correspond with me as often as possible, and on your arrival at Athens at any rate send me letter carriers, since by that time we shall know what has been done in town and about the provinces, of which the affairs are settled in March. 25 By the bye have you yet got Herodes to wring from Caesar that 50 talents? I hear you have excited the animosity of Pompey in the matter. He thinks that you have snapped up money which was his, and that it will not lessen Caesar's energy in building a palace near the sacred grove of Diana. ** This bit of news came to me from P. Vedius, a shady character, but an intimate of Pompey. The fellow met me on the road with two chariots, a carriage and horses and a litter and a large following. If Curio carries his law, ** he will have to pay 100 sestertii apiece. Besides other things, there was a dog-faced baboon in a chariot, and some wild asses. I never met such a rascal. But listen to the end of the story. At Laodicea Vedius put up with Pompeius Vindullus, and left his belongings with him, while he came to meet me. Meantime Vindullus died, and his property is supposed to go to Pompeius Magnus. C. Vennonius went to the house and, while sealing all the goods, found Vedius' baggage. Among this baggage there were five little busts of Roman married ladies, among them one of the sister of your friend Brutus - a brute indeed to be acquainted with the fellow - and one of the wife of Lepidus, whose easy conduct agrees with the meaning of his name. I wanted to tell you this little tale en passant, for we are both nice gossips.
26 There is one thing I wish you to consider. I hear that Appius is putting up a porch at Eleusis. Shall I look a fool, if I do so in the Academy? I dare say you may think so: say so plainly, if you do. I am very fond of the city of Athens. I should like it to have some memorial of myself. I dislike lying titles on the statues of other folk. But as you think best. And please let me know the date of the mysteries at Rome, and how you are passing the winter. Keep well. I write this on the seven hundred and sixty-fifth day after the battle of Leuctra. **
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Your freedman Philogenes has come to visit me at Laodicea and tells me that he is on the point of sailing to join you: so I give him this letter in reply to your letter which I got from Brutus' letter-carrier. First I will answer your last page which caused me much concern: - that is about Cincius' communication on the talk he had with Statius. I was particularly concerned at Statius' remark that the plan ** had my approval. Approval indeed! I need only say thus much. I wish the ties of friendship to be as many and close as possible between us, though none can be so close as those of our common liking. I am far from wanting the tie between us to be relaxed. 2 Quintus however to my knowledge will often use bitter language on his private affairs, and often I have pacified his anger, as I think you know. On my late tour or military campaign I have seen him often fly in a temper and often calm again. I don't know what he wrote to Statius; whatever he meant to do, he ought not to he ought not to have informed a freedman. However I will do my best to prevent any course contrary to our wishes and to propriety. In a case like this it is not enough for a man to make himself responsible for his own conduct only: and indeed the principal share of responsibility attaches to the boy, or young man as he is now, Quintus. This I am always telling him. To me he seems to love his mother greatly, as he should, and to be extremely fond of you. He is a lad of high but complex character, and I have enough to do to guide his conduct.
3 Having devoted my first page to answering your last, I will now return to your first. ** I relied on the maps of Dicaearchus, a writer of no mean standing and an authority you accept, for the information that all the states of the Peloponnese bordered on the sea. In the account of the cave of Trophonius, which he puts into the mouth of Chaeron, he blames the Greeks on many scores for sticking to the sea coast; and he does not except a single district in the Peloponnese. He was a very accurate historian and lived in the Peloponnese, so that his evidence seemed trustworthy. Still I was surprised and communicated my doubts to Dionysius. Dionysius was startled at first, but finally accepted his authority, since he had as good an opinion of Dicaearchus as you have of C. Vestorius or I of M. Cluvius. Arcadia he agreed had a seaport Lepreon: but Tenea, Aliphera and Tritia were, he considered, more modern, a view he supported by the omission of these places from Homer's catalogue of the ships. Accordingly I borrowed the passage from Dicaearchus in so many words. I know that Phliasii is the proper form. Please make it so in your copy. I read it in mine. But first of all thinking of Phliūs I was misled by the false analogy of Opuntii from Opūs and Sipuntii from Sipūs. But I altered it at once.
4 I see that you are pleased at my unselfish moderation. You would be more pleased, if you were here. In this very assize which I have been holding at Laodicea from the 13th of February to the 1st of May for all the districts except Cilicia, I have done wonders. See how many states have been freed from debt and how many have had their burden lightened. All have revived on acquiring home rule, and using their own enactments in law. I have given them in two ways the chance of freeing themselves or relieving themselves from debt. First by causing them no expense during my administration (and in saying no expense I mean literally not one scrap), which has helped them astonishingly out of their trouble. 5 Secondly the states had suffered from surprising corruption in their own countrymen, that is to say their magistrates. I questioned the men who had held the office of magistrate during the last ten years. They concealed nothing. So without exposure they took on their own backs the repayment of the money: and the communities which had paid the tax-farmers nothing for the present five years have now without any complaints paid up arrears for the last five years too. So I am the apple of their eye to the tax-farmers. "Grateful fellows," you exclaim. Yes I have experienced their gratitude. The rest of my judicial conduct has been enlightened, but mild and marvellously courteous. There has been none of the difficulty of access so characteristic of provincial governors; and no backstairs jobbery. Before daybreak I walk up and down in my house, as I did of yore when a candidate for office. This is popular and a great boon, and I have not felt it a burden owing to my old training.
6 On the 15th of May I intend to go to Cilicia. After spending the month of June there (and I pray it may be in peace, for a serious war with the Parthians is certainly coming), I shall spend July on my journey home. I shall have served my year on July the 30th. I have great hopes that my tenure of office may not be extended. I have the city's Acta up to the 7th of March. I gather that, thanks to the persistence of my friend Curio, ** appointments to the province will be the last business to be considered. So, as I hope, I shall see you soon.
7 I come now to Brutus, your friend or rather mine, since you prefer it. I have done everything that I could accomplish in my own province or attempt in the kingdom of Cappadocia. I have taken every measure with the king and still do so daily - by letter. The king himself was in my company only for three or four days and at a crisis in his affairs, from which I released him. But both then in person and subsequently in repeated letters I have continually begged and besought him in my own name and advised and persuaded him in his own interest. My efforts have borne fruit: but how much at this distance I cannot tell for certain. The people of Salamis however, whom I could influence, I have induced to consent to settle all their debt with Scaptius, but with interest at 12 per cent calculated from the date of the last contract, and not at simple but compound interest. The money was counted down: but Scaptius refused to take it. What kind of a figure do you cut, who say that Brutus will make a sacrifice? Forty-eight per cent was written in the bond. It was an impossible sum. It could not be paid nor could I have permitted it. I hear after all that Scaptius is sorry. As to his argument from a decree of the Senate ordering judgement to be given according to the bond, the reason for that was that in borrowing the money the people of Salamis contravened the Gabinian law. Aulus' law forbade that judgement should be given for money so borrowed. So the Senate decreed that judgement might be given on that particular bond. Now the bond in question has the same validity as other bonds, and no special privilege. 8 I fancy Brutus will admit that my behaviour has been proper. I do not know if you will take that view, but certainly Cato will.
Now I come back to yourself. My dear friend, you have praised the rectitude of my conduct "and can you dare with your own mouth," as Ennius says, ask me to give Scaptius cavalry to collect his debts? Or would you, if you were here, - you who say that you chafe sometimes at not being with me, - would you suffer me to do such a thing, if I wanted? "Not more than fifty men," you say. Spartacus had fewer men than that at first. The blackguards would have done indescribable damage in such a weak island. Do you say, they would have refrained? Look at the damage they did before I came here. They kept the members of the local Senate prisoners in their Chamber for so long that some died of hunger. For Scaptius was a prefect of Appius, and was allowed some cavalry. Your face is always before my eyes, when I think of duty and honour, and can you, you, I repeat, ask me to give the fellow the office of prefect? I had settled in other cases never to give the office to a man of business, a course which had won the approval of Brutus: and is a fellow like Scaptius to have cavalry? Why should he not be content with a company of foot? He is beginning to live in spendthrift style. 9 The leading people of Salamis insist, he declares. Of course; that is why they came to me at Ephesus and with tears told me of his men's atrocities and their own miseries. Accordingly I sent a letter at once ordering the cavalry to quit Cyprus by a certain day, and that, as well as other acts of mine, has caused the people of Salamis to praise me to the skies in their decrees. There is no need of cavalry now, for the people are ready to pay, - unless perhaps I want to use force to make them pay 48 per cent interest. Were I to do such a thing, I could never venture to read or touch those volumes which you praise. You, my dear fellow, have had far too much regard for Brutus in the matter. I perhaps not enough. I have informed Brutus of the drift of your letter. Now for the remaining topics. 10 I am pleased to do all I can for Appius here consistently with my honour. I do not dislike him and I like Brutus: and Pompey, for whom I have a higher regard every day, is surprisingly importunate. You have heard that C. Coelius comes here as quaestor.
I don't know why, but I don't like that affair of Pammenes. I hope to be at Athens in the month of September. Please let me know the dates of your travels. I understood the naïveté of Sempronius Rufus from your letter written in Corcyra. I am really quite jealous of the influence of Vestorius. I should like to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd is pressing in and Philogenes is in a hurry. Good-bye, give my greetings to Pilia, when you write, and to your daughter: and accept greetings from my son.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Though I have no fresh news, since I handed a letter for you to your freedman Philogenes, still I must write you a line, since I am sending Philotimus back to Rome. First a thing which gives me much anxiety - not that you can help me at all - for the business is in hand, and you are far away in a foreign land
"and by south wind tossed
Between us rolls the wide estranging sea."
The days steal on, as you see (for I am due to leave my province on the 30th of July), and no successor is appointed. Whom can I leave in charge? Policy and public opinion point to my brother: first because it is right that he should have the honour by preference to anyone else, and secondly because he is the only officer of praetorian rank that I have: for Pomptinus, who came out on that condition, has left me already according to his agreement. My quaestor is notoriously unsuitable; he is "unsteady, wanton and light-fingered." 2 There is one objection to my brother's appointment, - he will probably refuse, as he hates provincial life. Certainly, it is a hateful bore. Then, supposing he does not like to refuse, what is my proper course? Seeing that a great war is likely in Syria, which will apparently break forth into this district, where there is no protection and only the ordinary supplies have been voted for the year, it would certainly seem unnatural to leave my brother, and careless to leave some nincompoop. As you see I am troubled greatly and badly want advice. In short I made a mistake over the whole matter. Your sphere is far preferable. You can depart at pleasure; and perhaps you have left already. You can put Thesprotia and Chaonia ** in charge of anyone you like. I have not yet met my brother to know whether he would consent, if I want him to take it over; nor, should he consent, am I settled in my plans.
2 So much for that. The rest so far is full of honour and glory and worthy of the volumes which you praise. Communities have found salvation, the whole body of tax-collectors has been satisfied, no one has been annoyed by ill-considered conduct, very few by the severity of upright justice - none so that he could dare complain - and a campaign has been conducted in a way that deserves a triumph, though I shall not seek it greedily, nor seek it at all without your advice. The conclusion is difficult in the matter of handing over the province. But some god will direct my course.
4 About doings in town of course you know more, as your information comes more frequently and more surely. I am sorry that you do not pass on your news in a letter, for tiresome tidings have reached me about Curio and Paulus, not that there would seem anything to fear, if Pompey keeps his influence or even his inactivity. Only let him recover his health. But I am annoyed about Curio and Paulus, my friends. ** So, if you are now in town, or when you are there, please send me a sketch of the political situation to meet me on my way, that I may mould my conduct upon it and bethink me of the proper spirit in which to approach Rome. It is something not to arrive as a foreigner and a stranger. 5 There was one point I nearly omitted. As I have said often, I have done everything for your friend Brutus. The people of Cyprus were paying down the money. Scaptius was not content with 12 per cent compound interest. Ariobarzanes is not more accommodating to Pompey for his own sake than to Brutus for mine. Still I could not go bail for him, for he is a very needy monarch and I was such a long way off that I could only press him on paper, as I did continually. The conclusion is this. In proportion to the sum lent, Brutus has been treated more liberally than Pompey: for Brutus there has been got this year about 100 talents. To Pompey has been promised 200 talents within six months. In the business of Appius, my concessions to Brutus are almost incalculable. I have no reason to distress myself. Brutus' friends are men of straw, Matinius, and Scaptius, who is perhaps angry because he could not get troops to harry Cyprus as he had done before my time, or because he was not made a prefect, an office I have not granted to any man of business, not to C. Vennonius, my friend, nor to your friend M. Laenius. I have persevered in the course that I told you at Rome I should keep: but a man who refused to take his money, when he could, cannot grumble. The other Scaptius who was in Cappadocia I think is satisfied. First of all he accepted a military tribuneship from me, which a letter from Brutus had persuaded me to offer him; but he wrote me afterwards that he did not want to take it up.
6 There is a person Gavius, who, after I had offered him a post as prefect at Brutus' request, said and did a good deal to disparage me. He is Clodius' puppy-dog. He did not condescend to be one of my escort when I left Apamea, nor, when he came into camp later and was leaving it, did he ask if I had any commissions. For some unknown reason he was an open enemy of mine. If I had counted such a fellow among my prefects, you might doubt what kind of creature I am. You know I will not brook discourtesy from men of power, and should I put up with it from this hanger-on? Though, to be sure, gracious bestowal of honour is something more than putting up with a man. So Gavius, when on his road to Rome he saw me lately at Apamea, addressed me as I should scarcely address Culleolus. "Where," said he, "am I to look for my pickings?" I answered less sternly than those present thought proper, that I was not accustomed to give pickings to men whose services I had not used. He went off in a temper. 7 If Brutus listens to the talk of such a shady customer, you may have him to yourself. I shall not be your rival. But I think he will behave all right. However I wanted you to know the circumstances, and I have recounted the matter very fully to Brutus. Between ourselves Brutus has never sent me a letter, not even lately about Appius, without a touch of arrogance and intolerance. You often quote the lines,
"But Granius too
Has self-conceit and hates the pride of kings." **
However in this business he excites my laughter rather than my rage, and evidently he does not consider sufficiently what he writes and to whom. 8 The young Quintus, I fancy, yes I am sure, read your letter addressed to his father, for he usually opens his father's letters - and that by my advice - in case there is anything he ought to know. The letter contained that same passage about your sister ** that you wrote to me. The boy was awfully upset. He came to me complaining in tears. I saw much good feeling in him, and a kind and courteous disposition, which increases my hope for a satisfactory issue to the matter: so I want you to know it.
9 There is one thing I must not pass over. The young Hortensius, during the gladiatorial exhibition at Laodicea, behaved in a shameful and scandalous way. For his father's sake I invited him to my table on the day of his arrival, and for the same father's sake treated him handsomely. He said that he would await my departure in Athens, that we might go home together. I could only say, "Very well." But I don't fancy at all that he meant what he said. I hope not, lest I offend his father, who is my very good friend. But if he comes in my suite, I will arrange so as to avoid offence to a man I don't want to offend. So much for that, there is one thing more. Please send me Q. Celer's speech against M. Servilius. Write to me at your first opportunity. If there is no news, write to say so, or even send a verbal message Give my love to your wife and daughter. Keep well.
[4] L { shortly after 5 June 50 }
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
I came to Tarsus on the 5th of June. There I was upset by many troubles: a big war in Syria, big cases of robbery in Cilicia, my difficulty in arranging things, considering there are only a few days left of my year of office: but the hardest problem of all is that, according to a decree of the Senate, some one must be left in charge. The quaestor Mescinius is by no means a suitable person. Of Coelius I hear nothing. The proper thing seems to be to leave my brother with military power, but that involves many difficulties - our separation, risk of war, mutiny in the troops, a thousand other hazards. A hateful business altogether. But fortune must look to it, since reason serves our purpose little. 2 You, having come safe to Rome, as I hope, will as usual look to everything that concerns me, especially the matter of my daughter, about whose marriage settlement I have written to Terentia expressing my intentions, since you were in Greece. Then please look after my triumph. For as you were absent from town, I fear the Senate hardly paid sufficient attention to my despatch.
3 The following point I will write to you in dark phrases: your cleverness will scent my meaning. ** My wife's freedman (you know whom I mean) seemed to me lately from casual words of his to have cooked his accounts on the sale of the goods of the Crotonian tyrannicide. ** I fear you have noticed something. Look into this matter yourself alone, and secure what is left. I cannot write all my fears. Take care that your letter flies to meet me. I write in haste on the march and with my army. Give my love to your wife and to your very charming little daughter.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
You must certainly be at Rome now. If you are, I am glad of your safe arrival. So long as you were away from town, you seemed to me to be further off than if you were in Rome, for I heard less of my own business and less of the business of the state. So please send plenty of chatty letters on every kind of subject to meet me, though I hope, when you read this, I shall be well on my journey home. Above all write me on the subject I raised in my former letter. From the stuttering hesitation of my wife's freedman in our meetings and talks I infer that he has been cooking his accounts a little in the matter of the sale of the Crotonian's ** goods. 2 Investigate the matter with your usual care, but pay still more attention to this. When leaving the city of the seven hills he tendered an account of debts of some 24 and 48 minas to Camillus, and put himself down as owing 24 minas from Milo's goods and 48 minas from the property in the Chersonese, and as having inherited two sums of 640 minas, of which not a penny had been paid, though all were due on the 1st of the second month. Milo's freedman, Timotheus, the namesake of Conon's father, he said, had never given a thought to the matter. Now first try and secure the whole amount, and secondly don't overlook the interest from the afore-mentioned day. All the time I had to endure him, I was much upset. He came to me to spy out the land, and had some hopes. When he lost them, he left without an explanation, saying: "I give in, 'Twere shame to tarry long," ** and casting in my teeth the old proverb "take the goods the gods provide you." ** Look after the rest, and let us investigate the matter as thoroughly as possible.
3 Though I have nearly served my year (for only thirty-three days remain), still I am greatly concerned about my province. Syria is ablaze with war, and Bibulus is burdened with its cares in the midst of his own great sorrow, ** and his legates, quaestor and friends write to me to go to his aid: so, although the army I have is weak - the auxiliaries certainly are good, Galatians, Pisidians, Lycians, the main strength of my force - I have thought it my duty to keep an army facing the foe, so long as I am authorised by the Senate's decree to be in charge of my province. But what pleases me greatly is that Bibulus gives no trouble. He writes to me about any other topic by preference, and the day of my departure creeps on unnoticed. When it arrives, there is the further problem of my substitute, unless my quaestor Caldus comes, of whom so far I have no news.
4 I should like to write a longer letter, but I have no news, and care keeps me from jesting; so good-bye, and love to your little daughter and to your wife.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
While in my province I show Appius every honour, suddenly I find myself father-in-law of Dolabella his accuser. You invoke heaven's blessings. So say I, and you I know are sincere. Believe me, it was the last thing I had expected. Indeed I had even sent trusty agents to Terentia and Tullia about the suit of Ti. Nero, who had made proposals to me: but they arrived in town only when the betrothal was over. However I hope the better course has been taken. I understand that my women folk are highly pleased with the young man's obliging and courteous temper. As for the rest, don't pick holes in him.
2 Good gracious! Do you approve of corn doles to Athens? My own books to be sure do not forbid such a dole, for it was not a largesse to fellow-citizens, but a graceful present in return for hospitality. Still do you encourage me in the matter of the porch for the Academy, when Appius has abandoned his design of a porch at Eleusis? I am sure you are sorry about the news of Hortensius. ** Personally I am distracted: for it had been my intention to live on intimate terms with him.
3 I have put Coelius in charge of my province. "A mere boy" you will object, "and perhaps silly, and lacking in dignity and self-control." I agree; but there was no alternative. The letter I got from you some time ago, in which you said you suspended judgement as to what I ought to do about my substitute, caused me a pang; for I understood the grounds of your hesitation and felt them myself. Could I hand it over to a boy? But ought I to hand it over to my brother? The latter is prejudicial to my own interests. My brother was the only man it would not be an insult to prefer to the quaestor, especially as that officer was of noble birth. Still, while the Parthians seemed threatening, I determined to leave my brother in charge, or even to run counter to the decree of the Senate and for the sake of the Republic remain here myself. Their marvellously opportune retirement removed my doubts. I foresaw the world's comment. "So he has left his brother in charge! Is this holding a province for one year only? And what about the decree of the Senate that ex-governors should not be eligible? Why, his brother was governor for three years." These are the arguments for the public; 4 but for you I have private reasons. I should have been in constant anxiety as to some exhibition of temper or overbearingness or negligence; for such things will happen. Perhaps his son, a mere headstrong lad, would have given me cause for distress: his father would not send him away, and was annoyed with you for saying that he ought. As for Coelius, I cannot say that I am unconcerned about his past behaviour: but still I am far less concerned. Then there is another point. Pompey (and think of his power and position) chose Q. Cassius without regard to the lot, and Caesar too chose Antony. I could not affront Coelius who had been given to me by lot, and so make him a spy on the actions of my successor. No; my present course is better, accords well with precedent and is well suited to my time of life. But, heavens, how I have put you in his good books. I read him a letter, not in your own hand, but in that of your secretary.
Friends write me to come home to my triumph, a matter, I think, in view of my political renaissance, hardly to be neglected. So I hope, my dear Atticus, that you will look forward to it too, to make me appear less foolish.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
The boy Quintus has contrived to reconcile his father to your sister. He showed the proper feeling of a son, and I gave him much encouragement, which he received nothing loath. He was greatly moved by your letter. I trust that matters are as we wish. I have written to you twice about a domestic matter of mine in Greek and in riddles, if only my letters have reached you. Don't take decided steps: but still you may do some good by questioning the man ** simply about Milo's accounts, and urging him to settle the business as he promised. 2 I have ordered my quaestor Mescinius to wait at Laodicea, so that in accordance with the Julian law I may leave copies of my accounts in two cities. I want to go to Rhodes for the sake of the boys, thence as soon as possible to Athens, though the Etesian winds are very contrary. But I wish to reach Rome during the magistracy of men whose good-will I experienced over that thanksgiving in my honour. However please send a letter to meet me, saying if you think there can be any political reason for delay. Tiro would have written you a letter, but I left him at Issus seriously ill. However a message has reached me that he is better. Still I am upset: for he is a model youth and very attentive.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
Just as I had determined to write to you and had taken up my pen, Batonius came straight from his ship to my house at Ephesus and gave me your letter on the 29th of September. I am delighted about your good voyage, and your opportune meeting with your wife and also at her remarks about the marriage of my daughter. 2 But Batonius brought news that was simply awful about Caesar, and was even more frank in conversation with Lepta. I hope his news is false: it was certainly terrifying. He says that Caesar will refuse to disband his army, that the officials elect, praetors, Cassius the tribune and Lentulus the consul take his part, and that Pompey thinks of leaving Rome. 3 But by the by, are you so sorry for the fellow who thinks himself superior to the uncle of your sister's son? ** What fine opponents to beat him! But to business.
4 The Etesian winds have hindered me much: the open Rhodian boats too caused me a delay of exactly twenty days. On the 1st of October, as I am embarking from Ephesus, I give this letter to L. Tarquitius, who is leaving the harbour at the same time, but sailing by a faster boat. I have had to wait for fair weather owing to the undecked boats and other war vessels of the Rhodians. However I am hurrying as fast as possible.
5 Many thanks for paying the petty cash to the man of Puteoli. ** Now please consider politics, and see what you think I should do about the triumph, to which my friends invite me. I should have been quite happy, had not Bibulus been trying for a triumph, though the man never set his foot outside his house so long as there was one enemy in Syria any more than he set foot out of his house in town when he was consul. But as it is "'twere base to hold one's peace." ** But consider the whole matter, that we may be able to decide something on the day we meet.
That's enough, considering I am in a hurry and am giving this letter to a man who will arrive at the same time as myself or just before me. My son pays you his best respects. Please give the compliments of both of us to your wife and daughter.
CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.
As soon as I landed in port on the 14th of October, I received your letter from my slave Acastus. I have been looking forward to it so long that I was surprised at its brevity, as I looked at the letter before breaking the seal. Again, when I opened it, I was startled at the illegibility of the scribble, for your hand is generally very fine and legible. In short I gathered from the style of writing that you had arrived in town, as you stated, on the 19th of Sept., suffering from an attack of fever. Much disturbed, as I was bound to be, I questioned my slave. He said that both he and you thought that it was nothing serious and that he had gathered as much from your people. This view seemed to be supported by a remark at the end of your letter that at the time of writing you had a touch of fever. However I was greatly surprised and pleased at your writing to me in your own hand under the circumstances. So I will say no more. For I hope considering your careful and temperate life - and to be sure Acastus bids me be confident - that you are now as well as I could wish.
2 I am glad you got my letter from Turranius. Keep a very strict eye, as you love me, on the untimely designs of that cooker of accounts Philotimus. As to this legacy from Precius, which is a great sorrow to me - for I loved him indeed - don't let the fellow lay a finger on it, small as it is. You will say that I want money for the outfit of my triumph. You shall see that following your advice I will not show foolish vanity in seeking a triumph, nor be phlegmatic enough to refuse it. 3 I gather from your letter that you heard from Turranius I had given over my province to my brother. Do you imagine that I overlooked the cautious tone of your letter? You wrote that you were doubtful. There could have been no reason for doubts, if there had been grounds for leaving a brother and such a brother in charge. I took your doubts for dogmatic rejection. You warn me on no account to leave the young Quintus. Your words repeat my dream. The same vision came to us both, as though we had talked it over. There was nothing else to be done, and your long doubt has relieved me of hesitation. But I fancy you must have already got a letter on this topic written in more detail.
4 I mean to send letter-carriers to you to-morrow, who I fancy will arrive before our friend Saufeius: but it was hardly proper that he should come to you without a letter from me. 5 Please write me fully, as you promise, about my little Tullia, that is about her husband Dolabella, about the political situation in which I foresee much trouble, about the censors, and above all about the business of statues and pictures, and whether the matter will come up before the Senate. ** The 15th of October is the date of this letter, a day on which you say Caesar is going to bring four legions to Placentia. I wonder what will be our fate. My present quarters on the Acropolis at Athens seem to me the best place.
1. i.e. the 19th of February, the Terminalia being on the 23rd.
2. Cato, assisted by Brutus, had supervised the annexation of Cyprus in 58-56 B.C.
3. If the money was deposited in a temple.
4. Paulus, the consul of this year, was apparently expected to be Cicero's successor.
5. A quotation from Euripides.
6. The De Republica.
7. Suggesting that it was a hit at Hortensius.
8. Apparently a proposal by a tribune that the governors of Syria and Cilicia could quit their provinces at the end of the year, provided the Parthians were not aggressive.
9. Bibulus had excepted from debts recoverable in his court cases in which vis or dolus malus had been used. The clause was directed against publicani and negotiatores who belonged to the equites.
10. The quotation is incomplete, and the ending of it unknown. Probably it contained advice either against trusting or humouring people too much.
11. The provinces were sometimes taxed in the form of 'voluntary' subsidies to raise money for Roman shows.
12. Cicero refers to the day on which he laid down the consulship. Cf. Ad Fam. v.2.
13. Or “prop.” But the whole passage is uncertain.
14. Homer, Iliad vii.83.
15. At Nemi.
16. In Ad Fam. viii.6 a 'lex viaria' and a 'lex alimentaria' are mentioned. Possibly travellers with a large retinue were taxed under the first of these.
17. Cicero refers thus to the killing of Clodius on Jan. 18, 52 B.C., comparing it with the defeat of the Spartans by Epaminondas at Leuctra in 371 B.C.
18. This apparently refers to a divorce between Quintus and Pomponia.
19. Atticus had commented on two passages in Cicero's De Republica..
20. Curio, now working in Caesar's interest, was vetoing moves to recall Caesar from Gaul.
21. The country round Atticus’ house in Epirus.
22. i.e. about their support for Caesar.
23. A quotation from Lucilius.
24. The mooted divorce between Quintus and Pomponia.
25. The following passage and the similar passage in the next letter were both written in Greek.
26. T. Annius Milo, who had the same as a well-known athlete of Croton. The freedman referred to is Philotimus. From v.8 it appears that he acted as buyer for Cicero at the sale of Milo’s property.
27. i.e. T. Annius Milo.
28. Homer, Iliad, ii.298.
29. This proverb is mentioned in Plato's Gorgias 499c.
30. The murder of his two sons in Egypt.
31. Cicero had heard that Hortensius was dying.
32. Philotimus.
33. Calidius; it seems that he stood again as a candidate to be consul, but failed.
34. Vestorius.
35. A quotation from Euripides.
36. The censors had fixed a limit on private expenditure on works of art: but their edict required the confirmation of the Senate before it became law.
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