C. Sallustius Crispus : Histories

The Histories provided a detailed account of Roman history from 78 to 67 B.C, in five books. Although they have not survived intact, about five hundred fragments have been preserved in excerpts or quotations by later writers. Most of them are relatively short, but all the longer fragments are translated here. The translation of the speeches is by J.C.Rolfe (1921); the other fragments are in a new translation from the Latin text, which is also available on this site.

Much more information about the fragments can be found in the comprehensive translation and commentary by Patrick McGushin (Oxford, 1992 & 1994). The fragment numbers in McGushin's translation are shown in red. The numbers in Maurenbrecher's edition are shown in green.

See key to translations for an explanation of the format.


[1.1] {1.1M}   L  I have composed the history of the Roman people, including both military and domestic events, starting with the year when M.Lepidus and Q.Catulus were consuls {78 B.C.}.

[1.6] {1.10M}   L  At the proposal of Clodius, this Cato was sent to Cyprus, to administer the estate of king Ptolemaeus, who had left the Roman people as his heir after his death. Sallustius mentions this at the beginning of the first book of his History.

[1.8] {1.7M}   L  The first discord among us arose from the failings of the human character, which is restless and untameable in its struggle for freedom, or glory, or power.

[1.9] {1.11M}   L  The Roman state reached the peak of its power in the consulship of Ser.Sulpicius and M.Marcellus {51 B.C.}, when all Gaul this side of the Rhine, between the Mediterranean and the Ocean, had been conquered - except for the areas which were impassable because of swamps. However the republic acted with the highest moral character and the greatest concord in the period between the second and the final Carthaginian wars.

[1.10] {1.11M}   L  Discord, avarice, ambition and all the other evils which arise from great good fortune, increased greatly after the destruction of Carthage. Indeed, outrages had been committed by the most powerful men since the beginning, leading to disputes between the plebs and the nobles, and other dissensions within the city. The state was governed in a fair and temperate fashion after the expulsion of the kings, but only as long as the fear of attack by Tarquinius and the grievous war with Etruria still remained. After that, the nobles began to rule the plebs like their slaves, making decisions about their lives and bodies in the manner of kings; and confiscating their land, so that the nobles alone exercised power, with the others excluded. The plebs were crushed by this harsh treatment, and they were especially oppressed by the burden of debts, because they had to pay taxes towards, and fight in, continual wars. Then they took up arms and seized the Mons Sacer and the Aventine; as a result, they were given tribunes of the plebs, and other rights. But the second Punic War put an end to the discord and struggles between the classes.

[1.12] {1.12M}   L  When the threat from Carthage had been removed, they were free to resume their quarrels. Then there arose frequent riots, revolutions and eventually civil wars. A few influential men, who had gained the support of the majority, sought absolute power, on the specious pretext of defending the nobles or the plebs. Citizens were not called "good" or "bad" according to their public conduct, because in that respect they were all equally corrupt; but those who were wealthiest, and most able to inflict harm, were considered "good" because they defended the existing state of affairs.

[1.13] {1.16M}   L  From that time onwards the conduct of our ancestors declined, not slowly as previously, but like a torrent. The young men were so corrupted by luxury and wealth that it could justly be said, that they were men who could neither maintain their own family possessions, or allow others to do so.

[1.30] {1.35M}   L  When Sulla returned from Asia, he fought against the younger Marius, who was defeated and fled to Praeneste. This is the Marius who obtained the consulship against the wishes of his mother, as Sallustius relates.

[1.48] {1.55M}   L  { The speech of Lepidus to the Roman people: }   Your mercy and your honesty, fellow citizens, which make you supreme and renowned throughout all nations, cause me the greatest apprehension in the face of the tyranny of Lucius Sulla. On the one hand, I fear that you may be outwitted through not believing others capable of acts which you yourselves regard as abominable; especially since all Sulla's hopes depend upon crime and treachery, and since he thinks that he cannot be safe, unless he has shown himself ever worse and more detestable than you fear, so that when you are enslaved to him, you may cease because of your wretchedness to think of freedom. On the other hand, if you are on your guard, I fear that you may be more occupied in avoiding danger than in taking vengeance.

2 As to his satellites, I cannot sufficiently wonder that men bearing great names, made great by the deeds of distinguished ancestors, are willing to purchase dominion over you with their own slavery, and prefer these two things joined with injustice to living free with the best of right. 3 Glorious scions of the Bruti, Aemilii, and Lutatii, born to overthrow what their ancestors won by their prowess! 4 For what did their forefathers defend against Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philippus and Antiochus, if not our liberty and our own hearthstones, and our privilege of submitting to nothing but the laws? 5 All these things that caricature of Romulus holds in his possession, as if they had been wrested from foreigners; and not content with their destruction of so many armies, consuls, and other leading men, whom the fortune of war had swept away, he grows more cruel at a time when success turns most men from wrath to pity. 6 Nay, he alone of all within the memory of man has devised punishment for those yet unborn, who are thus assured of outrage before they are of life. Worst of all, he has hitherto been protected by the enormity of his crimes, while you are deterred from trying to recover your liberty by the fear of a still more cruel slavery.

7 You must rouse yourselves, fellow citizens, and resist the tyrant, in order that he may not possess your spoils. You must not delay or look for help from prayers to the gods; unless haply you hope that Sulla is now weary or ashamed of his tyranny and that what he has criminally seized he will with still greater peril resign. 8 On the contrary, he has sunk so low that he thinks nothing glorious which is not safe, and regards every means of retaining his supremacy as honourable. 9 Hence that state of repose and tranquillity combined with freedom, which many good men prized more highly than honours attended with toil, is a thing of the past; 10 in these times one must either be slave or master, one must feel fear, citizens, or inspire it. 11 For what else is left us? What human laws survive? What divine laws have not been violated? The Roman people, lately ruler of the nations, now stripped of power, repute and rights, without the means to live and an object of contempt, does not even retain the rations of slaves. 12 A great part of our allies and of the people of Latium to whom you gave citizenship in return for distinguished services are robbed of it by one man, while a few of his minions, as a recompense for their crimes, have seized upon the ancestral homes of the guiltless commons. 13 The laws, the courts, the treasury, the provinces, the kings, in fact, the power of life and death over our citizens are in the hands of one man. 14 You have even beheld human sacrifices and tombs stained with the blood of citizens. 15 If you are men, is anything left to you except to put an end to oppression or to die valiantly? For of a truth Nature has appointed one and the same end for all, even for those encased in steel, and no one awaits the last necessity, daring nothing, unless he has the heart of a woman.

16 But Sulla says that I am a sower of sedition, because I protest against the rewards paid to civil commotion; a lover of war, because I would reclaim the rights of peace. 17 Of course! since you cannot be safe and fully protected under Sulla's dominion, unless Vettius of Picenum and the clerk Cornelius may squander the goods which others have honestly acquired; unless you all approve the proscription of innocent men because of their wealth, the tortures of distinguished citizens, a city depopulated by exile and murder, the goods of wretched citizens sold or given away as if they were the spoils of the Cimbri. 18 Sulla blames me for having possessions which are derived from the goods of the proscribed. But in fact it is the very greatest of his crimes that neither I nor anyone else would have been safe if we did what was right. Moreover, the property which at that time I bought through fear and paid for I nevertheless restore now to its rightful owners, and it is not my purpose to allow any booty to be taken from the citizens. 19 Let it be enough to have endured what our frenzy has brought about - Roman armies pitted against each other, our arms turned away from the enemy and against ourselves. Let there be an end to crime and outrage; of which, however, Sulla is so far from repenting that he counts them among his titles to glory, and, if he were allowed, would more eagerly do them again.

20 But now I care no longer what you think of him, but what you dare; for while you are all waiting for someone else to assume the lead, I fear lest you may be caught, not by his forces, which are insignificant and degenerate, but through your own indifference, which allows him to continue his course of rapine and to seem fortunate in proportion to his audacity. 21 For with the exception of his crime-stained minions, who is on his side or who does not desire a complete change, retaining only the victory? Think you it is the soldiers, at the price of whose blood riches are won for vile slaves such as Tarula and Scirtus? Or is it those who are in suing for office were thought less worthy than Fufidius, a vile wench, the dishonour of all honours? 22 It is because of acts like these that I rest my greatest confidence in the victorious army, which has gained nothing by so many wounds and hardships save a tyrant. 23 Unless perhaps they took the field to overthrow the power of the tribunes, which their forefathers had established, and to rob themselves with their own hands of their rights and their jurisdiction; richly rewarded, no doubt, when, banished to swamps and woods, they find that insult and hatred are their portion, that a handful of men gain the prizes!

Why then does the tyrant walk abroad with so great a following and with such assurance? 24 Because success is a wonderful screen for vices; but let a reverse come, and he will be despised as much as he is now feared. Or perhaps he does it to make a pretence of peace and harmony, which are the names which he has applied to his guilt and treason. Furthermore, he declares that the republic cannot be established, and war ended, unless the commons are forever driven from their lands, the citizens cruelly plundered, and all rights and jurisdiction, once belonging to the Roman people, placed in his own hands. 25 If this seems to you to be peace and order, show your approval of the utter demoralization and overthrow of the republic, bow to the laws which have been imposed upon you, accept a peace combined with servitude and teach future generations how to run their country at the price of their own blood.

26 For my own part, although by attaining this the highest of offices I had done enough to live up to the fame of my ancestors as well to secure my own dignity, and even my safety, yet it was not my intention to pursue my private interests, but I looked upon freedom united with danger as preferable to peace with slavery. 27 If you are of the same mind, citizens of Rome, rouse yourselves and with the kindly aid of the gods follow Marcus Aemilius, your consul, who will be your leader and champion in recovering your freedom!

[1.67] {1.77M}   L  { The speech of Philippus in the senate: }   I could wish above everything, Fathers of the Senate, that our country might be at peace, or that amidst dangers, it might be defended by its ablest citizens; or at any rate that evil designs should prove the ruin of their contrivers. But on the contrary, everything is in disorder as the result of civil dissensions, which are aroused by those whose duty it rather was to suppress them; and finally, the wise and good are forced to do what the worst and most foolish of men have resolved. 2 For even though you may detest war and arms, yet you must take them up because it is the will of Lepidus, unless perhaps anyone is disposed to grant him peace and at the same time to suffer war.

3 O ye good gods, who still watch over this city, for which we take no thought, Marcus Aemilius, the lowest of all criminals - and it is not easy to say whether he is more vicious or more cowardly - has an army for the purpose of overthrowing our liberties, and from contemptible has made himself terrible! You, meanwhile, muttering and shrinking, trusting to the predictions and incantations of soothsayers, pray rather than fight for peace, and you do not realise that by your irresolute decrees you are losing your prestige, he his fear. 4 And naturally enough, for since his robberies have made him consul, his acts of sedition have given him a province and an army, what might he not have gained by good conduct, when you have rewarded his crimes so generously?

5 But perhaps it is those who up to the very last have voted for embassies, for peace, for harmony, and the like, that have won his favour. On the contrary, despised, held unworthy of a share in the state, they are regarded as plunder, since fear makes them sue for peace, which fear had made them lose. 6 For my own part, at the very outset, when I saw Etruria conspiring, the proscribed recalled, and the state rent asunder by bribery, I thought that there was no time to be lost and with a few others I followed the standard of Catulus. But those who lauded the great deeds of the Aemilian family, and the clemency which had made the Roman people great, said that even then Lepidus had taken no decisive step, although he had taken up arms on his own responsibility to crush out liberty; and thus while seeking power or protection for themselves each of them perverted the public counsels.

7 At that time, however, Lepidus was a mere brigand at the head of a few camp-followers and cut-throats, any one of whom would have sold his life for a day's wages; now he is a proconsul with military power which he did not buy, but which you gave him, with subordinates who are still bound by law to obey him; the most vicious characters of every class flock to his standard, inflamed by poverty and greed, driven on by the consciousness of their crimes, men who find repose in discord, disquiet in time of peace. These are the men who rouse rebellion after rebellion, war after war, followers now of Saturninus, then of Sulpicius, next of Marius and Damasippus, and now of Lepidus. 8 Moreover, Etruria is aroused, as well as all the other smouldering fires of war; the Spanish provinces are stirred to revolt, Mithridates, who is close beside those of our tributaries from whom we still receive support, is watching for an opportunity for war; in short, for the overthrow of our empire nothing is lacking save a competent leader.

9 Therefore, Fathers of the Senate, take heed, I beg and implore you, and do not allow the licence of a crime, like a madness, to infect those who are as yet sound. For when the wicked are rewarded, it is not easy for anyone to be virtuous without price. 10 Or are you waiting for Lepidus to come again with an army and enter our city with fire and sword? Verily, such an act is much nearer the condition in which he now finds himself than are peace and concord to civil arms. And these arms he took up in defiance of all human and divine law, not in order to avenge his own wrongs or the wrongs of those whom he pretends to represent, but to overthrow our laws and our liberty. 11 For he is hounded and tormented in mind by ambition and terror because of his crimes, uneasy and at his wits' end, resorting now to this plan, now to that. He fears peace, hates war; he sees that he must sacrifice luxury and licence, and meanwhile he takes advantage of your indolence.

12 As to your conduct, I lack sufficient wisdom to know whether to call it cowardice, weakness or madness, when each one of you seems to pray that the evils which threaten you like a thunderbolt may not touch him, and yet makes not the slightest effort to prevent them.

13 I pray you consider how the order of things is inverted; formerly public mischief was planned secretly, public defence openly; and hence the good easily forestalled the wicked. Nowadays peace and harmony are disturbed openly, defended secretly; those who desire disorder are in arms; you are in fear. 14 What are you waiting for, unless perhaps you are ashamed or weary of doing right? Are you influenced by the demands of Lepidus? He says that he wishes to render unto each his own, and keeps the property of others; to annul laws established in time of war, while he uses armed compulsion; to establish the citizenship of those from whom he denies that it has been taken, and in the interests of peace to restore the power of the tribunes, from which all our discords were kindled.

15 O vilest and most shameless of all men, do you take to heart the poverty and grief of the citizens, when you have nothing in your possession which was not seized by arms or by injustice!   # You ask for a second consulship, as if you had ever given up your first. You seek harmony through war, by which the harmony which we had attained is broken, a traitor to us, unfaithful to your party, the enemy of all good citizens. Are you not ashamed either before men or before the gods, whom you have insulted by your perfidy or perjury?

16 Since such is your character, I urge you to be true to your purpose and to retain your arms, lest by deferring your rebellious plans you may be uneasy yourself and keep us in a ferment. Neither the provinces, nor the laws, nor your country's gods tolerate you as a citizen. Continue as you have begun, in order that as soon as possible you may meet with your deserts.

17 But you, Fathers of the Senate, how long will your hesitation leave your country undefended, and how long will you meet arms with words? Forces have been levied against you, money extorted from individuals and from the treasury, garrisons removed from one place and stationed in another, the laws interpreted in accordance with caprice, and in the meantime you are preparing to send envoys and make decrees. But, by Heaven! the more eagerly you seek peace, the more cruel will the war be, when he finds that he can more safely rely upon your fears than upon the justice and righteousness of his cause. 18 In truth, whoever says that he hates disturbance and the death of citizens, and therefore keeps you unarmed while Lepidus is in arms, is in reality advising you to suffer what the conquered must endure, when you might yourselves visit it upon others. Such counsellors advise you to keep peace with him and encourage him to make war upon you. 19 If this is your intention, if such torpor has stolen upon your spirits that forgetting the crimes of Cinna, upon whose return to our city the flower of this order perished, you will nevertheless entrust yourselves, your wives, and your children to Lepidus, what need is there of decrees? What need of Catulus' help? 20 Surely it is in vain that he and other good citizens are taking thought for the republic.

But have your way! Gain the protection of Cethegus and the other traitors, who are eager to renew the reign of pillage and fire and once more to arm their hands against our country's gods. Or if you prefer liberty and justice, pass decrees worthy of your reputation, and thus increase the courage of your brave defenders. 21 A new army is ready, besides the colonies of veterans, all the nobles, and the best leaders; fortune attends the stronger; soon the forces which our negligence has assembled will melt away.

22 Therefore this is my recommendation: whereas Marcus Lepidus, in defiance of the authority of this body and in concert with the worst enemies of their country, is leading against this city an army raised on his own authority, therefore be it resolved that Appius Claudius the interrex, with Quintus Catulus, the proconsul and others who have military power, shall defend the city and see to it that no harm come to our country.

[1.77] {1.88M}   L  Sertorius served as military tribune in Spain with great honour, when T. Didius was governor there.   # He made a valuable contribution to the Marsic war by providing soldiers and weapons. Many successes were achieved under his leadership, but these have not been recorded in history, firstly because of his humble birth and secondly because the historians were ill-disposed towards him. However while he was alive he displayed the evidence of these achievements in his appearance, with several wounds on his front including the loss of an eye. He took great pride in this disfigurement of his body, and was not ashamed of his wounds, because they showed how gloriously he had preserved the rest of his body.

[1.90] {1.100M}   L  It is said that he contemplated escaping into the distant Ocean, where there are known to be two islands {the "Blessed Isles"}, close by each other and about 10,000 stades away from Gades, which of their own accord provide food to nourish men.

[1.93] {1.104M}   L  Therefore Sertorius, leaving behind a small force in Mauretania, took advantage of a dark night and a favourable current; he tried to move secretly and quickly, in order to make an unopposed crossing.

[1.95] {1.108M}   L  When Fufidius arrived soon afterwards with his legions, he found that the banks were steep, the ford could not easily be crossed if they had to fight, and everything was more suitable to the enemy than to his men.

[1.98] {1.107M}   L  Throughout the province there were great and terrible rumours, as everyone in their fright imagined that there were fifty thousand or more of the enemy, monsters of immense size brought in from the edges of the ocean, who fed on human flesh.

[1.112] {1.126M}   L  They were delayed by the crowds around the gates and, as happens in a panic, there was no respect for rank or command. Sertorius was carried on his servants' shoulders almost into the middle, where the men standing above lifted him up with their hands onto the wall.


[2.9] {2.7M}   L  . . . or to Iolaus . . . it is uncertain whether . . . or if it is a sign of their adopted nationality. The Corsicans say that the Balari were refugees from Pallantia, others that they were Numidians, and some think that they were Spaniards from the army of the Carthaginians. They are a treacherous people, either because of their fickle temperament, or because they distrust their allies. They can be recognised by their clothes, their demeanour and their beards. In the Celtiberian war and . . . that Daedalus set off from Sicily [where he had gone to escape] the anger of Minos . . .

[2.40] {2.42M}   L  . . ., who was in command of the army, sent a legion although he despised his foolishness; and that was considered a sign of his own wisdom.   # Then L.Octavius and C.Cotta became consuls {75 B.C.}. Octavius was slothful and negligent; Cotta was more active, but with his political ambitions and natural lavishness he hoped to gain the favour of individuals . . .

[2.41] {2.43M}   L  At the instigation of the same man, P. Lentulus Marcellinus was sent out as quaestor to the new province of Cyrene. This province had been given to us by the will of the deceased king Apion, and needed to be governed more prudently than was usual in those nations, by someone who was less eager for glory. In addition, [disputes arose] between the different classes [during this year].

[2.42] {2.45M}   L  . . . by [intolerable] shortages in the [corn supply]. Worn out by these difficulties, the people resorted to violence and attacked both the consuls, while they accompanied Q. Metellus (later called Creticus), who was a candidate for the praetorship, along the Sacred Way. They chased the consuls to the house of Octavius, which was nearer . . . fighting . . .

[2.44] {2.47M}   L  A few days later Cotta changed his clothing, giving a very mournful appearance because the people did not support him as he wished, and he addressed the assembly as follows:

I have encountered many dangers, fellow citizens, at home and abroad, and many adversities, some of which I have endured, some averted by the gods' help and my own courage; in all these I never lacked resolution to decide or energy to act. Adversity and prosperity changed my resources, not my character. 2 But in these present troubles it is different, and along with Fortune everything else has deserted me. Furthermore, old age, which is in itself an affliction, redoubles my anxiety, since it is my wretched lot, when near the end of life, not even to be able to hope for an honourable death. 3 For if I am a traitor to you, and although twice born into this state {Cotta was "reborn" when he was allowed to return from exile}, hold cheap my country's gods, my fatherland, and its highest magistracy, what torture is enough for me while I live, and what punishment after death? Surely I have committed a crime too great to be expiated by all the torments related of the Nether World.

4 From early youth I have passed my life before your eyes both as a private citizen and in office; those who needed my voice, my counsel, my purse, have had them. I have not practised a calculating eloquence or used my talents for evil-doing. Most covetous of private friendships, I have incurred the bitterest public enmities for my country. When these had overcome me along with my country, when in need of others' help, I looked for still greater calamities, you, fellow citizens, gave me back my country and my fathers' gods, and added to them your highest mark of distinction. 5 For such favours I should seem hardly grateful enough if I could give my life for each one of you. That I cannot do, since life and death are subject to natural laws; but to live unashamed among one's fellow citizens, and with unblemished reputation and fortune, is something that may be given and received.

6 You have elected us to the consulship, Romans, at a time when our country, is in dire straits at home and abroad; for our generals in Spain are calling for money, men, arms, and supplies - and they are forced to do so by circumstances, since the defection of our allies and the retreat of Sertorius over the mountains prevent them from either contending in battle or providing for their necessities. 7 Armies are maintained in Asia and in Cilicia because of the excessive power of Mithridates, Macedonia is full of foes, as is also the sea-coast of Italy and of the provinces. In the meantime our revenues, made scanty and uncertain by war, barely suffice for a part of our expenditures; hence the fleet which we keep upon the sea is much smaller than the one which formerly safeguarded our supplies.

8 If such a state of affairs has been brought about by treason or negligence on our part, follow the promptings of your anger and inflict punishment upon us; but if fortune, which is common to all, frowns upon us, why do you resort to acts unworthy of you, of us, and of our country? 9 I, to whom death is nearer because of my years, am ready to meet it, if that will lessen any of your ills; nor could I end my life (as in the course of nature I soon must) with more honour than in securing your safety. 10 Behold, here I stand, Gaius Cotta, your consul! I do what our ancestors often did in adverse wars; I consecrate myself and offer my life for my country. It is your task to find someone to whom you may entrust the state; 11 for no good man will desire such an honour, when one must render an account for the vagaries of fortune, for the uncertainties of the sea, and for war brought on by others, or else must die a shameful death. 12 Only bear in mind that it was not for crime or avarice that I was put to death, but that I willingly gave my life as a gift in return for your great favours. 13 In your own name, fellow-citizens, and by the glory of your ancestors, I conjure you to endure adversity and take thought for your country. 14 The price of supreme power is great anxiety, many heavy burdens. It is vain for you to attempt to avoid them and to look for peace and prosperity, when all the provinces and realms, all lands and seas, are devastated or exhausted by wars.

[2.59] {2.70M}   L  Metellus withdrew into Further Spain at the end of the year, with great glory. Everywhere men and women came together along the streets and houses to watch him as he passed by. His quaestor C. Urbinus and some others recognised what he wanted, and whenever they invited him to dinner, they were more lavish than is usual for Romans or indeed for any mortal. They decorated their houses with tapestries and statues, and built stages so that actors could perform upon them. They also spread saffron on the floor, and prepared everything as if it was in a renowned temple. Besides, when he sat down a statue of Victory was let down by a rope, which placed a crown on his head with the mechanical sound of thunder; and when he arrived he was greeted with incense, like a god. When he reclined, he usually wore a coloured toga instead of a cloak. The feasts were most exotic, with many kinds of birds and animals which were previously unknown, brought not only from throughout the province, but over the sea from Mauretania. By such behaviour he diminished his glory somewhat, especially in the eyes of the older and more virtuous men; they thought that he was acting in a manner which was arrogant, offensive and unworthy of the dignity of Roman rule.

[2.60] {2.80M}   L  At the beginning of spring in the same year, in Macedonia Gaius Curio set off into Dardania with all his army, so that he could by all possible means collect the money which had been demanded by Appius.

[2.69] {2.87M}   L  . . . to prepare everything for the attack. Then at a given signal, towards the end of the second watch, they went into battle on every side at once. At first, the fighting took place in great confusion as they hurled weapons haphazardly through the darkness of the night. Later, when the Romans deliberately did not respond with either weapons or shouting, the enemy believed that they either were overcome with fright or had abandoned the fortifications, and the swiftest of them eagerly rushed into the ditches and then up the rampart. But then at last the Romans threw down stones, javelins and stakes at them from above, and drove back many of them as they almost reached the top, by blows at close range or any other means. Overcome by this sudden menace, some of them were struck down on the earthworks, while others fell on their own weapons. The ditches were half filled by the large number who were killed, but the rest escaped safely because it was difficult to pursue them by night and the Romans were afraid of ambushes. After a few days, they were forced to surrender because of lack of water. The town was burnt down and the inhabitants were sold into slavery. From dread of a similar fate, envoys soon arrived from Isaura Nova to seek peace; they promised to give hostages and to obey all commands. Servilius was aware of the ferocity of the enemy, and that they had been brought to seek peace by this sudden terror, not because they were weary of war. To prevent them changing their mind about sending [hostages], he advanced to their walls as quickly as possible with all his forces. Meanwhile he gave a conciliatory reply to their envoys and said that the surrender could be arranged more easily when everyone was present. Besides, he restrained his soldiers from plundering the countryside, or inflicting any kind of damage. The townsfolk willingly provided him with corn and other provisions; and to avoid suspicion, he placed his camp on open ground. Then after they had handed over a hundred hostages, according to his instructions, he demanded all the deserters, weapons and military engines. At this, the young men, at first following a set plan but then wherever they happened to be, staged noisy protests throughout the city, proclaiming that they would never hand over their weapons and allies, while there was still breath in their bodies. Those who were past the age for fighting, and who had much previous experience of the power of the Romans, longed for peace; but they remembered their own crimes, and feared that if they gave up their weapons, they would soon suffer the ultimate punishment as a result of their defeat. In this confusion, while they were all debating together anxiously, Servilius decided that the surrender would never happen, unless it was prompted by fear. Without warning, he occupied the sacred mountain of the Great Mother, from where missiles could be hurled towards the top of the town. The goddess, after whom the mountain was named, was believed to dine there on certain days; noises were heard . . .

[2.75] {2.92M}   L  [Their mothers] used to remind the men of their parents' warlike achievements, whenever they went out to war or on raids, and they celebrated their ancestors' brave deeds. When it became known that Pompeius was approaching with a hostile army, the elders persuaded them to accept peace and to obey the commands [of the Romans]. The women, unable to dissuade them, separated from their husbands and seized a very secure stronghold near (?) Meoriga. They declared that the men had yielded their country, their child-bearers and their freedom; and so the wives were leaving breast-feeding, childbirth and the other roles of women to their husbands. Stung by these [taunts], the young men ignored the decrees of their elders . . .

[2.76] {2.93M}   L  [The townsfolk promised . . .] that if they were spared a siege, they would in a few days' time agree to enter into an alliance; previously they had hesitated whether to join him or Pompeius, because of the fluctuating peace. Then the Roman army went off into the territory of the Vascones to gather food, and Sertorius also moved his position, because it was of great importance for him to retain easy access to [Gaul] and Asia. The nearby towns of the Mutuderei and the (?) Neores did not assist either side with provisions, and they both suffered from lack of food. Then Pompeius [advanced] with his army in a square formation . . .

[2.82] {2.98M}   L  { The letter of Pompeius to the senate }   If I had been warring against you, against my country, and against my fathers' gods, when I endured such hardship and dangers as those amid which from my early youth the armies under my command have routed the most criminal of your enemies and insured your safety; even then, Fathers of the Senate, you could have done no more against me in my absence than you are now doing. For after having exposed me, in spite of my youth, to a most cruel war, you have, so far as in you lay, destroyed me and a faithful army by starvation, the most wretched of all deaths. 2 Was it with such expectations that the Roman people sent its sons to war? Are these the rewards for wounds and for so often shedding our blood for our country? Wearied with writing letters and sending envoys, I have exhausted my personal resources and even my expectations, and in the meantime for three years you have barely given me the means of meeting a year's expenses. 3 By the immortal gods! do you think that I can play the part of a treasury or maintain an army without food or pay?

4 I admit that I entered upon this war with more zeal than discretion; for within forty days of the time when I received from you the empty title of commander I had raised and equipped an army and driven the enemy, who were already at the throat of Italy, from the Alps into Spain;   # and over those mountains I had opened for you another and more convenient route than Hannibal had taken. 5 I recovered Gaul, the Pyrenees, Lacetania, and the Indigetes; with raw soldiers and far inferior numbers I withstood the first onslaught of triumphant Sertorius; and I spent the winter in camp amid the most savage of foes, not in the towns or in adding to my own popularity.

6 Why need I enumerate our battles or our winter campaigns, the towns which we destroyed or captured? Actions speak louder than words.   # The taking of the enemy's camp at Sucro,   # the battle at the river Turia, and the destruction of Gaius Herennius, leader of the enemy, together with his army and the city of Valentia, are well enough known to you. In return for these, grateful fathers, you give me want and hunger. Thus the condition of my army and of that of the enemy is the same; 7 for neither is paid and either can march victorious into Italy. 8 Of this situation I warn you and I beg you to give it your attention; do not force me to provide for my necessities on my own responsibility. 9 Nearer Spain, so far as it is not in the possession of the enemy, either we or Sertorius have devastated to the point of ruin, except for the coast towns, so that it is actually an expense and a burden to us. Gaul last year supplied the army of Metellus with pay and provisions, but can now scarcely keep itself alive because of a failure of the crops; I myself have exhausted not only my means, but even my credit. 10 You are our only resource; unless you come to our rescue, against my will, but not without warning from me, our army will pass over into Italy, bringing with it all the war in Spain.

This letter was read in the senate at the beginning of the following year. But the consuls distributed the provinces which had been decreed by the senate, Cotta taking Hither Gaul and Octavius taking Cilicia. Then the next consuls, Lucius Lucullus and Marcus Cotta {74 B.C.}, who were greatly agitated by Pompeius' letters and messages, both because of the interests of the state and because they feared that, if he led his army into Italy, they would have neither glory nor position, used every means to provide him with money and reinforcements. And they were aided especially by the nobles, the greater number of whom were already giving expression to their confidence and adapting their conduct to their words.


[3.6] {3.5M}   L  Antonius was having difficulty in driving the [Ligurian] forces away from the [ships], because weapons could be thrown through the narrow entrance; and Mamercus could not safely pursue the enemy [ships], who were on the right of the allied fleet, in the open sea during the summer calm. After a few days had already been spent inconclusively, the Ligurian forces [withdrew] into the Alps. The Terentuni were summoned, and they discussed whether to advance against Sertorius. When Antonius and the others agreed to this, they hurried to Spain with their ships. After they arrived in the territory of the Aresinarii with the entire fleet of warships, which had either been repaired or had not [been damaged in the storms] . . .

[3.7] {3.6M}   L  [Antonius] was [separated from] the enemy by the [very deep] river Dilunus, which even a small force of the enemy could prevent him from crossing. After pretending to cross the river at other places not far away, he summoned some ships and quickly constructed some rafts, on which he carried his army across. Then he sent ahead his legate Manius with the cavalry and some of the warships, and advanced to the island [(?) of Emporiae. He hoped] that by this unexpected threat he could recover a city which was suitable for transporting supplies from Italy. But the inhabitants, trusting in [the strength of] the site, made no change from their original intentions. Their hill was surrounded by sea on both sides and to the rear, and [in addition] the front was narrow with a sandy approach; and they [had fortified it] with a double wall.

[3.23] {3.37M}   L  He put two very large inflated skins under a light piece of wood, and then lay on top of them, keeping his whole body still except that occasionally he paddled with his feet, like a steersman. In this way, he avoided the enemy fleet while crossing over the sea between the mole and the island, and reached the town {of Cyzicus}.

[3.34] {3.48M}   { The speech of the tribune Macer: }   L  If you did not realize, fellow citizens, what a difference there is between the rights left you by your forefathers and this slavery imposed upon you by Sulla, I should be obliged to make a long speech and to inform you because of what wrongs, and how often, the plebeians took up arms and seceded from the patricians; and how they won the tribunes of the commons as the defenders of their rights. 2 But as it is, I have only to encourage you and to precede you on the road which, in my opinion, leads to the recovery of your liberties. 3 I am not unaware how great is the power of the nobles, whom I alone, powerless, am trying to drive from their tyranny by the empty semblance of a magistracy; and I know how much more secure a faction of wicked men is than any upright man alone. 4 But in addition to the fair hopes which you have inspired and which have dispelled my fear, I have decided that defeat in a struggle for liberty is for a brave man better than never to have struggled at all.

5 And yet all the others who were elected to maintain your rights have been led by personal interest, by hope, or by bribery to turn all their power and authority against you; and they consider it better to do wrong for hire than to do right without recompense. 6 Therefore they have now, one and all, submitted to the mastery of a few men, who, under the pretext of carrying on a war, have taken possession of the treasury, the armies, the kingdoms and the provinces. These men have made themselves a stronghold from your spoils, while in the meantime you, like so may cattle, yield yourselves, a multitude, to single owners for use and enjoyment; and that, too, after being stripped of every privilege which your forefathers left you, save that by your ballots you may yourselves choose, as once your defenders, so now your masters.

7 Therefore all men have now gone over to their side, but presently, if you regain what is yours, most of them will return to you, since few have courage to defend their independence, the rest belong to the stronger. 8 Can you fear that anything will be able to resist you, if you advance with a united purpose, when they have feared you even in your weakness and indifference?   # Unless perhaps it was from another motive than fear that Gaius Cotta, a consul chosen from the heart of the aristocratic party, restored some of their rights to the people's tribunes.   # In fact, although Lucius Sicinius, who was the first to dare to speak about the tribunician power, was cut off while you only murmured, yet his slayers feared your displeasure even before you resented the wrongs done against you. At that patience of yours, citizens, I cannot sufficiently marvel; for you knew that your hopes had often been disappointed. 9 On the death of Sulla, who had imposed this infamous slavery upon you, you believed that your troubles were ended; up rose Catulus, a tyrant far crueller than Sulla. 10 There was an outbreak in the consulship of Brutus and Mamercus {77 B.C.}, and after it Gaius Curio was long enough your master to cause the death of a guiltless tribune {Sicinius}.

11 You saw with what passion Lucullus last year assailed Lucius Quintius; what tempests are now roused against me! But these acts they certainly committed in vain, if it was their intention to put an end to their mastery before you did to your slavery; especially since in these civil dissensions, although other motives were alleged, the real object of the contest on both sides was to determine who should be your masters. 12 Therefore the other struggles, inspired as they were by licence, by hatred, or by avarice, blazed up for a time only; one issue only has persisted, which has been the aim of both sides and has been taken away from you for the future: the tribunician power, a weapon given to you by your ancestors, with which to defend your liberties. 13 Of this fact I warn you and I beg you to bear it in mind; do not change the names of things to suit your own cowardice and give to slavery the title of peace. Even peace you will not be allowed to enjoy, if wickedness triumph over right and honour; you might have done so, if you had never roused yourselves. As it is, they are on their guard, and if you do not gain the victory, they will hold you in tighter bonds, since the greater the injustice, the greater its safety.

14 What then do you advise? some one of you will say. First of all, you must give up this habit which you have, you men of active tongues but of weak spirit, not to retain the thought of liberty outside of the place of assembly. 15 Then (not to attempt to urge you to those manly deeds by which your ancestors gained their tribunes of the commons, a magistracy previously patrician, and a suffrage independent of the sanction of the patricians) since all the power is in your hands, citizens, and since you undoubtedly can execute or fail to execute on your own account the orders to which you now submit for the profit of others, I would ask you whether you are waiting for the advice of Jupiter or some other one of the gods. 16 That supreme power of the consuls, and those potent decrees of the senate, you yourselves ratify, citizens, by executing them; and you hasten voluntarily to increase and strengthen their despotism over you. 17 I do not urge you to avenge your wrongs, but rather to seek quiet; and it is not because I desire discord, as they charge, but because I wish to put an end to it, that I demand restitution according to the law of nations. If they persist in refusing this, I do not advise war or secession, but merely that you should refuse any longer to shed your blood for them. 18 Let them hold their offices and administer them in their own way, let them seek triumphs, let them lead their ancestral portraits, against Mithridates, Sertorius, and what is left of the exiles, but let those who have no share in the profits be free also from dangers and toil.

19 But perhaps your services have been paid for by that hastily enacted law for the distribution of grain, a law by which they have valued all your liberties at five modii per man, an allowance actually not much greater than the rations of a prison. For just as in the case of prisoners that scanty supply keeps off death, but yet their strength wanes, so this small amount relieves you of no financial care and disappoints the slenderest hopes of the idle. 20 But even if the allowance were a great one, what lethargy it would show, since it was offered as the price of your slavery, to be deceived by it and actually to owe gratitude to your oppressors for your own property. 21 You must guard against craft; for by no other means can they prevail against the people as a whole, and in that way only will they attempt to do so. It is for this reason that they are making plans to soothe you and at the same time to put you off until the coming of Gnaeus Pompeius, the very man whom they bore upon their necks when they feared him, but presently, their fear dispelled, they tear to pieces. 22 Nor are these self-styled defenders of liberty, many as they are, ashamed to need one man before they dare to right a wrong or to defend a right. 23 For my own part I am fully convinced that Pompeius, a young man of such renown, prefers to be the leading man of the state with your consent, rather than to share in their mastery, and that he will join you and lead you in restoring the power of the tribunes.

24 There was once a time, fellow countrymen, when each of you citizens found protection in the many and not the community in one man, and when no single mortal was able to give or to take away such things from you. 25 I have therefore said enough; for it is not through ignorance that the matter halts, 26 but a kind of lethargy has laid hold upon you, because of which neither glory nor disgrace moves you. You have given up everything in exchange for your present slothfulness, thinking that you have ample freedom because your backs are spared, and because you are allowed to go hither and thither by the grace of your rich masters. 27 Yet even these privileges are denied to the country people, who are cut down in the quarrels of the great, and sent to the provinces as gifts to the magistrates. Thus they fight and conquer for the benefit of a few, but whatever happens, the commons are treated as vanquished; and this will be more so every day, so long as your oppressors make greater efforts to retain their mastery than you do to regain your freedom.

[3.64] {3.96M}   L  They hardened their spears with fire which, apart from the appearance which is necessary for war, could do almost as much harm as iron. But, while the fugitive slaves were engaged in these activities, some of the Roman soldiers were ill from the oppressive autumn climate; none had come back from the previous rout, even though they had been sternly ordered to return; and those who remained were shamelessly avoiding their military duties. Varinius sent his quaestor C. Thoranius to Rome, so that they could easily learn the real state of affairs from him there. Meanwhile he took those soldiers who were willing to follow him, four thousand in number, and encamped near the slaves, surrounding his camp with a rampart, ditch and huge fortifications. The slaves had used up all their provisions, and wanted to avoid attack from the nearby enemy while they were foraging. They used to keep watches and stand guard and carry out the other duties of regular soldiers. About the second watch of the night they all went out of their camp in silence, leaving behind one trumpeter. To give the appearance of guards to anyone in the distance, they propped up the bodies of men who had recently been killed on stakes outside the gate, and lit many fires, which would be enough to frighten off Varinius' soldiers . . . their journey . . . [ 4 lines missing ] . . . they turned onto an impassable route. But Varinius, when it was now fully light, noticed the absence of the slaves' usual taunts, of the showers of stones thrown into the camp, and of the shouts and din of men [rushing all around]. He sent his cavalry up [a hill which rose] nearby, to seek out and quickly [pursue the enemy]. He himself, although he believed that [the slaves had gone] far away, was still afraid [of an ambush], and [withdrew in a secure] formation, in order to double his army [with new recruits]. But . . . Cumae . . . [ 5 lines missing ] . . .   # [After] a few days, our men became more confident than usual and there was some swaggering talk. This prompted Varinius to move rashly against a known danger with soldiers who were new, untried, and daunted by the disasters which the others had suffered. He led them at full speed against the slaves' camp, but now they were quiet and did not enter battle as boastfully as they had previously demanded it. But [the slaves] were almost at blows with each other, because they could not agree on a plan of action; Crixus and his fellow Gauls and Germans wanted to go out to confront [the Romans] and offer battle, while Spartacus [argued against attacking them].

[3.66] {3.98M}   L  . . . [that they should] not, [wandering around] in the way that they were at that time . . . and then they would be cut off [during their journey] and wiped out . . . and at the same time the concern . . . and so they should [leave as quickly as possible]. A few sensible men, with [free and] noble minds, [approved of the plan] that they should escape in this way . . . and praised [what he directed them to do]. But some of [the slaves] stupidly trusted in the forces which were coming to join them and in their own fierce courage; others [dishonourably] neglected their country of origin; and most, with [the true character] of slaves, [sought nothing] but plundering and savagery . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . seemed to be the best plan. Then he advised them to go off into more open countryside, richer in cattle, where they could increase their numbers with picked men, before Varinius returned with a new army. He soon found a suitable guide, one of the prisoners from Picentia, and then he went over the Eburine heights to Nares Lucanae, from where he advanced at dawn to Forum Anni, before the inhabitants realised. Immediately the slaves, contrary to the orders of their leader, turned to raping the young girls and mothers, and others . . . [ 2 lines missing ] . . . now and tormented those who remained in a shocking way with horrible wounds, and sometimes left their mutilated bodies still half alive. Others set fire to the buildings, and many of the slaves from the district, whose character inclined them to be their allies, brought out the possessions which their masters had hidden, or dragged out their masters themselves. Nothing was sacred or inviolable to these men, who had the savagery of barbarians and the temperament of slaves. Since Spartacus could not stop these [outrages], he earnestly begged them to forestall the news of what they had done, and quickly . . . [ 3 lines missing ] . . . that they would [earn the hatred of the inhabitants], who had been cruelly attacked [and slaughtered] . . . heavy mostly . . . after staying there for that day [and the following] night, with the number of [slaves in his army] now doubled, he [moved camp] at first light and [halted] in a fairly wide plain, [where he saw] that the farmers had come out of their buildings. By that time, the autumn crops were already ripe [in the fields]. But when it was already fully daytime, the residents learnt from their [fleeing] neighbours that the slaves were heading [in their direction], and [hurried away to the nearby mountains] with all [their families].

[3.79] {3.83M}   L  And so they reclined to eat. Sertorius was lower down, on the middle couch. Above him was L. Fabius Hispaniensis, a senator who had been proscribed. On the top couch was Antonius, and Versius, the secetary of Sertorius, was below him. Maecenas, the other secretary, was on the bottom couch, in between Tarquitius and Perperna, who was the host.

[3.84] {3.88M}   L  From his earliest youth, Pompeius had been persuaded by the flattery of his supporters to believe that he was the equal of king Alexander. Therefore he tried to rival Alexander's achievements and plans.

[3.90] {3.106M}   L  And at the same time Lentulus [(?) abandoned] the elevated place which he had defended with a double battle-line, after his soldiers suffered many casualties. When military cloaks appeared out of the baggage, and select cohorts began to be recognised . . .


[4.1] {4.1M}   L  It is uncertain whether his colleague Cn. Lentulus, a patrician whose surname was Clodianus, was more stupid or arrogant. He proposed a law to reclaim the money, which Sulla had remitted to those who bought the possessions {of proscribed men}.

[4.50] {4.16M}   L  There was almost equal haste and great terror within the town, because they were afraid that the new fortifications, which were built of brick, would be weakened by the damp. Every part of the town had been flooded, when the adverse swell of the sea had forced the drains to overflow.

[4.60] {4.59M}   L  {Lucullus} proceeded by forced marches through the territory of king Ariobarzanes up to the river Euphrates, where it forms the border between Cappadocia and Armenia. And although he had some barges, which had been constructed secretly during the winter . . .

[4.67] {4.69M}   { The letter of Mithridates to Arsaces: }   L  King Mithridates, to King Arsaces, Greeting. All those who in the time of their prosperity are asked to form an offensive alliance ought to consider, first, whether it is possible for them to keep peace at that time; and secondly, whether what is asked of them is wholly right and safe, honourable or dishonourable. 2 If it were possible for you to enjoy lasting peace, if no treacherous foes were near your borders, if to crush the Roman power would not bring you glorious fame, I should not venture to sue for your alliance, and it would be vain for me to hope to unite my misfortunes with your prosperity. 3 But the considerations which might seem to give you pause, such as the anger against Tigranes inspired in you by the recent war, and my lack of success, if you but consent to regard them in the right light, will be special incentives. 4 For Tigranes is at your mercy and will accept an alliance on any terms which you may desire, while so far as I am concerned, although Fortune has deprived me of much, she has bestowed upon me the experience necessary for giving good advice; and since I am no longer at the height of my power, I shall serve as an example of how you may conduct your own affairs with more prudence, a lesson highly advantageous to the prosperous.

5 In fact, the Romans have one inveterate motive for making war upon all nations, peoples and kings; namely, a deep-seated desire for dominion and for riches. Therefore they first began a war with Philippus, king of Macedonia, having pretended to be his friends as long as they were hard pressed by the Carthaginians. 6 When Antiochus came to his aid, they craftily diverted him from his purpose by the surrender of Asia, and then, after Philippus' power had been broken, Antiochus was robbed of all the territory this side Taurus, and of ten thousand talents. 7 Next Perseus, the son of Philippus, after many battles with varying results, was formally taken under their protection before the gods of Samothrace; and then those masters of craft and artists in treachery caused his death from want of sleep, since they had made a compact not to kill him. 8 Eumenes, whose friendship they boastfully parade, they first betrayed to Antiochus as the price of peace; later, having made him the guardian of a captured territory, they transformed him by means of imposts and insults from a king into the most wretched of slaves. Then, having forged an unnatural will, they led his son Aristonicus in triumph like an enemy, because he had tried to recover his father's realm. 9 They took possession of Asia, and finally, on the death of Nicomedes, they seized upon all Bithynia, although Nysa, whom Nicomedes had called queen, unquestionably had a son.

10 Why should I mention my own case? Although I was separated from their empire on every side by kingdoms and tetrarchies, yet because it was reported that I was rich and that I would not be a slave, they provoked me to war through Nicomedes. And I was not unaware of their design, but I had previously given warning of what afterwards happened, both to the Cretans, who alone retained their freedom at that time, and to king Ptolemaeus. 11 But I took vengeance for the wrongs inflicted upon me; I drove Nicomedes from Bithynia, recovered Asia, the spoil taken from king Antiochus, and delivered Greece from cruel servitude. 12 Further progress was frustrated by Archelaus, basest of slaves, who betrayed my army; and those whom cowardice or misplaced cunning kept from taking up arms, since they hoped to find safety in my misfortunes, are suffering most cruel punishment. For Ptolemaeus is averting hostilities from day to day by the payment of money, while the Cretans have already been attacked once and will find no respite from war until they are destroyed. 13 As for me, I soon learned that the peace afforded by civil dissensions at Rome was really only a postponement of the struggle, and although Tigranes refused to join with me (he now admits the truth of my prediction when it is too late), though you were far away, and all the rest had submitted, I nevertheless renewed the war and routed Marcus Cotta, the Roman general, on land at Chalcedon, while on the sea I stripped him of a fine fleet. 14 During the delay caused by my siege of Cyzicus with a great army provisions failed me, since no one in the neighbourhood rendered me aid and at the same time winter kept me off the sea. When I, therefore, without compulsion from the enemy, attempted to return into my kingdom, I lost the best of my soldiers and my fleets by shipwrecks at Parium and at Heracleia. 15 Then when I had raised a new army at Cabeira and engaged with Lucullus with varying success, scarcity once more attacked us both. He had at his command the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, unravaged by war, while I, since all the country about me had been devastated, withdrew into Armenia. Thereupon the Romans followed me, or rather followed their custom of overthrowing all monarchies, and because they were able to keep from action a huge force hemmed in by narrow defiles, boasted of the results of Tigranes' imprudence as if they had won a victory.

16 I pray you, then, to consider whether you believe that when we have been crushed you will be better able to resist the Romans, or that there will be an end to the war. I know well that you have great numbers of men and large amounts of arms and gold, and it is for that reason that I seek your alliance and the Romans your spoils. Yet my advice is, while the kingdom of Tigranes is entire, and while I still have soldiers who have been trained in warfare with the Romans, to finish far from your homes and with little labour, at the expense of our bodies, a war in which we cannot conquer or be conquered without danger to you. 17 Do you not know that the Romans turned their arms in this direction only after Ocean had blocked their westward progress? That they have possessed nothing since the beginning of their existence except what they have stolen: their home, their wives, their lands, their empire? Once vagabonds without fatherland, without parents, created to be the scourge of the whole world, no laws, human or divine, prevent them from seizing and destroying allies and friends, those near them and those afar off, weak or powerful, and from considering every government which does not serve them, especially monarchies, as their enemies.

18 Of a truth, few men desire freedom, the greater part are content with just masters; we are suspected of being rivals of the Romans and future avengers. 19 But you, who possess Seleuceia, greatest of cities, and the realm of Persis famed for its riches, what can you expect from them other than guile in the present and war in the future? 20 The Romans have weapons against all men, the sharpest where victory yields the greatest spoils; it is by audacity, by deceit, and by joining war to war that they have grown great. 21 Following their usual custom, they will destroy everything or perish in the attempt . . . and this is not difficult if you on the side of Mesopotamia and we on that of Armenia surround their army, which is without supplies and without allies, and has been saved so far only by its good fortune or by our own errors. 22 You will gain the glory of having rendered aid to great kings and of having crushed the plunderers of all the nations. 23 This is my advice and this course I urge you to follow; do not prefer by our ruin to put off your own for a time rather than by our alliance to conquer.


[X.12]   L  He was full of anger and grief at the loss of such allies. The armed men rushed out of the ships in skiffs or by swimming, and some of them were carried by their boats onto the shore, which was full of sea-weed. The enemy, a cowardly race of poorly-armed Greeks and Africans, did not resist them any further. Then, after burying their allies as well as they could and carrying off anything of use which was nearby, they went off to Spain, because there was no chance of achieving their current objective.

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